A substantial majority of Americans (81%) view sexual assault in the military as an extremely or very important issue. But the public does not believe the problem of sexual assault is a bigger problem in the military than outside it: Just 11% say it is more of a problem inside the military, 23% say it is more of a problem outside the military, while 63% say it is about the same.

And while 40% say the reports of sexual assault in the military represent underlying problems with military culture, a majority (54%) says they represent individual acts of misconduct.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center and The Washington Post, conducted June 6-9 among 1,004 adults, finds that the public is evenly divided over whether the better way to handle the problem of sexual assault in the military is for Congress to make changes in military laws (45%) or for military leaders to address the problem internally (44%).

By 57% to 32%, Republicans say it would better for military leaders to handle the problem internally. By about the same margin (58% to 33%), Democrats say it would be better for Congress to make changes in military law.

About half of Americans (52%) have a great deal or fair amount of confidence that military leaders will make the right decisions when it comes to the problem of sexual assault in the military, but just 36% express at least a fair amount of confidence in Congress on this issue.

This in part may reflect the wide gap in underlying opinions about the two institutions: In January, just 23% viewed Congress favorably, while a month earlier 71% had a favorable opinion of military leaders.

The new survey finds a sizable gender gap in views of the seriousness of this issue. About half of women (51%) say the issue of sexual assault in the military is extremely important, compared with 37% of men. But similar shares of men (56%) and women (51%) say the problem is rooted in individual misconduct rather than military culture.

Moreover, there are no significant gender differences in views of whether the military or Congress can better handle this problem: 48% of women favor Congress making changes in military laws while nearly as many (42%) say military leaders can better deal with the problem internally. Men also are divided (46% military leaders, 43% Congress).

What to Tell a Young Woman Who’s Thinking of Joining Military

Most Americans (59%) say that if they or a friend had a daughter who was thinking of joining the military, the allegations of sexual misconduct would not be a sufficient reason to tell her to stay out of the military. About four-in-ten (38%) say these allegations are a sufficient reason to dissuade a young woman from joining.

These views are largely unchanged from 1997, amid widespread allegations of sexual harassment in the armed forces. In a survey by the Associated Press, 65% said allegations of sexual misconduct in the military were not a sufficient reason to tell a young woman interested in joining the military not to join, while 31% viewed the allegations as a sufficient reason to discourage her from joining the military.

Comparable shares of women (58%) and men (61%), as well as parents (59%) and non-parents (61%), say reports of sexual misconduct are not a sufficient reason to tell a daughter not to join the military.

Perceptions of the Sexual Assault Problem

Just 11% say sexual assault is more of a problem in the military than outside it; twice as many (23%) think it is more of a problem outside of the armed forces, while 63% say it is about the same in and out of the military.

While nearly identical percentages of women (9%) and men (12%) say sexual assault is a bigger problem in the military, men are more likely than women to say it is a bigger problem outside the armed forces (29% vs. 17%). A larger majority of women (70%) than men (57%) see the problem about the same inside and outside the armed forces.

People who have served in the military or live in a household with someone serving or a veteran have similar views as those in non-military households about the problem of military sexual assault. Nearly identical majorities in both groups say it is about the same inside the military as outside it (63% of military households, 64% of non-military households).

However, more people in non-military households (43%) than in military households (33%) say sexual assault reports represent underlying problems with military culture.

Republicans by more than two-to-one (69% to 25%) say reports of sexual assault in the military represent individual acts of misconduct. Democrats are more evenly divided, with 44% saying they represent individual acts and 49% saying they point to underlying problems with military culture.

Wide Partisan Gap over How to Handle Military Sexual Assaults

Republicans and Democrats have sharply different views about whether military leaders or Congress would be better able to handle the sexual assault problem. By 57% to 32%, Republicans say it would better for military leaders to handle the problem internally.

By about the same margin (58% to 33%), Democrats say it would be better for Congress to make changes in military law.

People in military households also are more likely than those in non-military households to say that military leaders can better handle the problem of sexual assaults internally (57% to 40%).

There also are large gaps in confidence in military leaders to make the right decisions on the problem of sexual assault in the military. While 62% of Republicans express at least a fair amount of confidence in military leaders, only about half of Democrats (47%) say the same. Democrats (47%) are more likely than Republicans (29%) to have at least a fair amount of confidence in Congress to make the right decisions on this issue.

Most of those in military households (63%) have confidence in military leaders to do the right thing in handling the problem of sexual assault; just 31% have confidence in Congress. Among non-military households, 49% have confidence in military leaders and 38% have confidence in Congress.

The public’s attitudes toward gun control have shown only modest change in the wake of last week’s deadly shooting at an elementary school in Newtown, Connecticut. Currently, 49% say it is more important to control gun ownership, while 42% say it is more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns.

This marks the first time since Barack Obama took office that more Americans prioritize gun control than the right to own guns. Opinion was evenly divided in July, following a shooting at a Colorado movie theater. At that time, 47% said it was more important to control gun ownership, while 46% said it was more important to protect gun rights.

However, support for gun control remains lower than before Obama took office. In April 2008, 58% said it was more important to control gun ownership; just 37% prioritized protecting gun rights.

As in the past, there are wide partisan and demographic differences in opinions about gun control. Majorities of men, whites and Republicans say it is more important to protect gun rights. By contrast, most women, blacks, Democrats and those in the Northeast prioritize controlling gun ownership. In other regions, opinion is divided.

There are deeply held opinions on both sides when it comes to the choice between controlling gun ownership and protecting gun rights: 42% strongly believe it is more important to control gun ownership, while 37% strongly feel it is more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Dec. 17-19 among 1,219 adults, finds a higher percentage saying that gun ownership in this country does more to protect people from crime (48%) than to put their safety at risk (37%).

However, about two-thirds (65%) think that allowing citizens to own assault weapons makes the country more dangerous. Just 21% say that permitting these types of weapons makes the country safer.

There is widespread public opposition to a ban on handguns: Two-thirds (67%) oppose banning the possession of handguns, except by law enforcement officers. Far more favor banning bullets designed to explode or penetrate bullet-proof vests (56%) and high capacity ammunition clips (53%). Opinion is divided over whether to ban semi-automatic guns – 44% favor such a ban, while 49% are opposed.

Americans also remain split over the broader significance of shootings like the one in Connecticut: 47% say they are just the isolated acts of troubled individuals, while 44% say they reflect broader problems in society. That is little changed from a survey conducted last weekend, but far more say that such shootings reflect broader societal problems than did so after shootings in Colorado this summer and in Tucson, Ariz. in Jan. 2011. (For more, see “Public Divided over What Newtown Signifies,” Dec. 17, 2012.)

When those who point to broader problems are asked to describe, in their own words, what the tragedy reflects in society, 46% cite the nation’s social climate, such as the breakdown of families and parental failures, while 30% cite issues relating to mental health or mental illness. About one-in-five (22%) mention guns or gun policy, which is similar to reactions after the 2011 Tucson shooting and the shooting at Virginia Tech University in 2007.

A concurrent study of the conversation about Newtown on Twitter and blogs conducted by the Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism finds far more discussion of gun policy following this event than after the Tucson shooting. In the social media conversation, calls for stricter gun control measures exceed defenses of current gun laws by more than two-to-one.  (For more, see “In Social Media and Opinion Pages, Newtown Sparks Calls for Gun Reform,” Dec. 20, 2012.)

No Partisan Advantage

The survey on attitudes toward gun control finds that neither party has an advantage on the issue. About as many say the Republican Party (27%) as the Democratic Party (28%) can do a better job of reflecting their views on gun control. A relatively high percentage (27%) volunteer that both parties can do about the same (13%) or that neither party can do better (14%). This is similar to 2004, when opinion also was divided.

Fewer Americans (36%) say the National Rifle Association (NRA) has too much influence over gun control laws than did so in 2000 (42%) and 1993 (45%). Nearly half (47%) says either that the organization has too little influence (19%) or the right amount of influence (28%).

Wide Partisan Gap over Gun Control

By a seven-point margin, the public currently says it is more important to control gun ownership (49%) than to protect the right of Americans to own guns (42%). There are substantial demographic and partisan differences over the issue, and most of the patterns of opinion on this question are little changed from past surveys.

Republicans and Democrats are on opposite sides of the issue: About seven-in-ten (69%) Republicans say protecting gun rights is more important, while about the same proportion of Democrats (72%) say gun control is more important. Independents are divided (47% gun rights, 42% gun control).

The gender gap also is stark: Women prioritize controlling ownership over gun rights by a 24-point margin, while men prioritize gun rights by a 10-point margin. Racial differences also are striking, as African-Americans overwhelmingly say gun control is more important than gun rights (68% to 24%), while opinion among whites tilts in favor of gun rights (51% to 42%).

Those with post-graduate degrees stand out from those with less education in their support for gun control, with 66% prioritizing gun control while just 26% say protecting gun rights is more important. Other educational groups are more evenly divided in their opinions.

Young people (18-29 year olds) continue to support gun control over gun rights (55% vs. 36%), while those 30-64 are more divided on the question. Notably, older Americans (ages 65+) have shifted over the last several months; today they prioritize gun control over gun rights (54% vs. 34%), but were more divided earlier in the year.

Northeasterners continue to stand out compared to other regions of the country, supporting gun control over gun rights by about a two-to-one margin (65% vs. 29%), while those in other regions are more evenly split on this question.

More Say Gun Ownership Protects People from Crime

Overall, a slim plurality (48%) thinks gun ownership in this country does more to protect people from becoming victims of crime, while 37% say it does more to put people’s safety at risk; 16% offer no opinion. Demographic and partisan divides on this question are similar to those seen on the more general question of gun rights versus gun control. Majorities of men, whites and Republicans say gun ownership does more to protect people from becoming victims of crime. By contrast, most Democrats and blacks say gun ownership does more to put people’s safety at risk; women are divided (40% protect people from crime vs. 43% put people’s safety at risk).

While a plurality sees gun ownership as doing more to protect people from crime, there are broad concerns over a specific type of gun: assault weapons. By about three-to-one, more say allowing citizens to own assault weapons makes the country more dangerous (65%) rather than safer (21%). Broad majorities of Democrats, blacks and women say assault weapons make the country more dangerous; most men and whites feel this way as well, though by a slimmer margins. Opinion is divided among Republicans (41% safer, 50% more dangerous.

Those who give priority either to protecting gun rights or controlling ownership on the more general question do not always offer one-sided responses to other gun questions. For example, among those who say it is more important to protect gun rights, as many say assault weapons make the country more dangerous (40%) as safer (41%).

Mixed Support for Gun Control Proposals

The public offers a mixed reaction to four specific gun control proposals tested in the survey. Majorities support banning bullets that explode or are designed to penetrate bullet-proof vests, and banning high-capacity ammunition clips. However, the public is divided over banning semi-automatic guns and a broad majority opposes banning handguns for non-uniformed civilians. Reflecting the public’s mixed reaction to different types of measures, very few favor all four proposals (13%) or oppose them all (14%).

By a 56% to 36% margin, most favor banning bullets that explode or can penetrate bullet-proof vests. Partisan divides on this question are modest, with 62% of Democrats and 51% of Republicans in favor. Even among those who prioritize gun rights over controlling ownership, 47% favor this proposal, while 43% are opposed.

A majority also backs banning high-capacity ammunition clips that can hold more than 10 bullets (53% favor, 42% oppose).

A ban against semi-automatic guns receives less support: 44% favor this proposal, 49% oppose it. About two-thirds (68%) of those who prioritize gun rights would oppose such a ban, while 61% of those who prioritize gun control would favor it.

The least popular option of the four tested is banning the possession of handguns except by law enforcement officers: 67% oppose this measure, just 28% favor it. Even those who
prioritize gun control over gun rights are divided on a handgun ban (44% favor, 50% oppose).

Who Owns Guns?

About a third (35%) of Americans say that there are guns, rifles or pistols in their home. The proportion of the public reporting they own firearms has remained about the same for more than a decade.

More men (42%) than women (27%) report having guns in their household. And gun ownership is far more prevalent among whites than blacks; 42% of whites have guns in their homes, compared with just 16% of blacks.

Gun ownership is strongly correlated with both region and community type. Just 21% of Northeasterners say there is a gun in their home, compared with 38% of Midwesterners and 45% of Southerners. Half (50%) of those living in rural areas say they have a firearm in their home; that compares with 36% of those living in the suburbs and 26% of those in urban areas.

Gun ownership also differs by party, with nearly half of Republicans (49%)—and just a quarter (25%) of Democrats—reporting that there is a gun in their household.

Views of Those Who Own Guns and Those Who do Not

About two-thirds (65%) of gun owners say it is more important to protect gun rights than to control ownership (27%). The balance of opinion is reversed among those who do not have a gun in the household (64% control ownership, 26% protect gun rights).

Gun owners offer strong support for the idea that gun ownership in this country does more to protect people from becoming victims of crime (68%) rather than putting people’s safety at risk (18%).

But half of those with a gun in the household (50%) say allowing citizens to own assault weapons makes the country more dangerous for citizens, fewer (34%) say this makes this country safer.

When it comes to politics, more gun owners say the Republican Party (37%) rather than the Democratic Party (22%) could do a better job reflecting their views about gun control. Those without a gun in the household favor the Democratic Party 34% to 21%.

And while 45% of non-gun owners say the National Rifle Association has too much influence over gun control laws in this country, only 25% of gun owners say this. A plurality of gun owners say the NRA has the right amount of influence (42%) over gun laws, while 20% say too little.

The shootings at an elementary school in Newtown, Conn. on Friday have drawn widespread public interest. A weekend survey finds that 57% of Americans say they followed news about the tragedy there very closely. That is higher than interest in the shootings at an Aurora, Colo. movie theater in July (49% very closely), though not as great as interest in the Columbine shootings in 1999 (68%).

The survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Dec. 14-16 among 746 adults, finds the public is evenly divided over whether the Newtown shootings reflect broader problems in Americans society (47%) or are just the acts of troubled individuals (44%).

By contrast, clear majorities said that both the Aurora shootings, as well as the shootings in Tucson, Ariz. in Jan. 2011, were just the isolated acts of troubled individuals; 67% said that after the Aurora shootings at a movie theater and 58% said that after the Tucson shootings, which killed six and left former Rep. Gabrielle Giffords seriously wounded. Opinions today are comparable to reactions to the shootings on the campus of Virginia Tech University in April 2007.

Most parents are talking with their children about the massacre at Sandy Hook Elementary School, according to a separate survey of more than 750 adults with children at home, conducted Dec. 14-17, using Google Consumer Surveys. About half (53%) of all the parents who participated in the survey, including 71% of those with younger children, say they are restricting how much news coverage of the tragedy their children watch.

Isolated Acts or Indicative of Broader Problems?

Women, by 54% to 37%, say that Friday’s shootings at the elementary school reflect broader problems in American society. Men express the opposite view: 51% say that shootings like this are just the isolated acts of troubled individuals.

College graduates (54%) are more likely than those with no more than a high school education (42%) to say that the massacre reflects broader societal problems.

There also are partisan differences in reactions to the tragedy: Democrats, by 54% to 39%, say the shootings reflect broader societal problems. Republicans are divided, with 49% saying such incidents are the acts of troubled individuals, while 45% say they reflect broader problems.

People who have followed news about the shootings very closely are more likely than those who have not to say that they represent broader problems in society (51% vs. 40%).

How Parents Are Coping

A separate survey of more than 750 internet users with school-age children in the household, conducted Dec. 14-17, 2012 using Google Consumer Surveys finds that most are talking with their children about Friday’s shootings. Fully 62% of those with school age children have talked with their children about the shootings either a lot (20%) or some (42%), while 23% have not discussed the events with their children at all.

About half (53%) of parents say they have restricted how much coverage of the shootings their children watch. In a 2007 telephone survey, which was conducted shortly after the Virginia Tech shootings, 40% said they were restricting how much coverage their children watched.

Parents of elementary school-age children are discussing the recent events with their children far less than parents of older children. Only about half (48%) of parents with elementary school-age children have talked about the shootings with their children at least some, compared with 72% of parents only with children in 6th-12th grade.

Fully 71% of parents with children in elementary school are trying to restrict how much coverage of the events their children watch, compared with only 36% of parents with older children. Six-in-ten parents (60%) with both elementary school-age and older children are restricting how much coverage their children watch.

High News Interest in Newtown Shootings

Nearly six-in-ten (57%) say they followed news about the Newtown shooting very closely, making it by far the public’s top story last week. News interest in the Newtown shooting is higher than for other recent gun tragedies, including shootings in Aurora, Colo. (41% very closely), Tucson, Ariz. (49% very closely), and Virginia Tech (45% very closely). In April 1999, somewhat more followed news about shootings at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colo. very closely (68%).

There has been no significant change in public views on the issue of gun control and gun rights following the July 20th shooting at a movie theater in Aurora, Colorado. Currently, 47% say it is more important to control gun ownership, while 46% say it is more important to protect the rights of Americans to own guns. That is virtually unchanged from a survey earlier this year in April, when 45% prioritized gun control and 49% gun rights.

Other recent major shootings also had little effect on public opinion about gun laws. There was no significant change in the balance of opinion about gun rights and gun control after the January, 2011 shooting in Tucson, Arizona in which Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords was injured. Nor was there a spike in support for gun control following the shooting at Virginia Tech University in April, 2007.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted July 26-29, 2012 among 1,010 adults, shows that relatively few Americans view the shooting in Aurora as a sign of broader social problems. Two-thirds (67%) say that shootings like this one are just the isolated acts of troubled individuals. Only about a quarter (24%) say shootings like this reflect broader problems in American society. This is similar to the public reaction after the Tucson shooting in early 2011, which 58% thought of as the isolated act of a troubled individual and 31% connected to broader social problems. Americans were more likely to see broader problems behind the Virginia Tech shooting five years ago – at that time, 46% thought the event reflected broader societal problems.

Public opinion about gun control and gun rights has been divided since early 2009. Prior to that, going back to the first Pew Research Center polling on this issue in 1993, majorities consistently rated controlling gun ownership as a higher priority than protecting the rights of Americans to own guns.

The issue remains a highly partisan one: Republicans prioritize gun rights by a 71% to 26% margin, while Democrats prioritize gun control by a 72% to 21% margin. Independents are split, with 50% saying the priority should be protecting the right of Americans to own guns, while 43% say it should be controlling gun ownership.

The issue also continues to divide along racial and gender lines. Whites tend to see the protection of gun rights as the higher priority (by a 56% to 38% margin), while blacks overwhelmingly back gun control (by a 73% to 23% margin). Men prioritize gun rights (57% to 38%), while women prioritize gun control (56% to 37%).

About half of the public says they very closely followed news about the deadly shooting rampage shortly after midnight Friday morning in a movie theater in Colorado, making this one of the most closely followed stories so far in 2012.

Fully 48% say they followed this news very closely, according to the latest survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted July 20-22 among 780 adults. Another 25% say they followed news about the shootings – which left 12 dead and more than 50 injured – fairly closely.

The number following this tragedy very closely is comparable to the 49% that said they very closely followed news about the shootings in Tucson, Ariz. in January 2011 that left six dead and Rep. Gabrielle Giffords severely wounded. It also is similar to the 45% that very closely followed news about the mass killings at Virginia Tech in April 2007 that left 33 dead. A number of other recent mass shootings – including one at an Ohio high school in late February that left three dead and another at Oakland, Ca., college in early April that left seven dead – have attracted far less public attention.

Still, interest in the Colorado shootings is well below the 68% that said they very closely tracked news about the April 1999 shootings at Colorado’s Columbine High School, when two teenagers killed 13 people and themselves.

Few news stories in Pew Research news interest surveys have attracted greater interest than the Columbine shootings. Among other top stories over the past two decades, nearly eight-in-ten (78%) said in October 2001 that they followed news about the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks on the U.S. very closely. And in October 2005, 73% said they followed news about the impact of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita this closely.

Interest in the movie theater shootings is broad among all demographic groups. Though young people often follow breaking news less closely than older people, those under age 30 are just as likely as older people to say they followed this news very closely. Women are more likely to say they followed this news very closely than men (55% vs. 41%).

Little Recent Change in Opinion About Gun Control

Public opinion about gun control has changed little in recent years. In the latest Pew Research survey on the topic in April, 49% say it is more important to protect the rights of Americans to own guns, while 45% say it is more important to control gun ownership. Opinion has been divided since early 2009, shortly after Barack Obama’s election.

While the Tucson and Virginia Tech shootings attracted intense public attention, they did not have a large impact on public opinion about gun control. (See: “No Shift Toward Gun Control After Tucson Shootings“, Jan. 19, 2011)

Still, the public has become more supportive of gun rights over time. From 1993 through 2008, majorities had said it was more important to control gun ownership than to protect gun rights. (See: “More Support for Gun Rights, Gay Marriage than in 2008 or 2004″, April 25, 2012)

In May 1999, shortly after the Columbine shootings, about two-thirds (65%) said they thought it more important to control gun ownership than to protect the right to own guns. In April 2008, 58% said it was more important to control gun-ownership than to protect gun rights. One year later, 49% said this.

In the wake of the Tucson shootings, there is no significant change in public views on the issue of gun control and gun rights. Currently, 49% of Americans say it is more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns, while 46% say it is more important to control gun ownership. In September 2010, 50% prioritized gun control, 46% gun rights. In this regard, there is no sign that the longer trend toward an emphasis on gun owners’ rights has abated.

The issue remains a deeply divisive one along party lines – by a 72% to 22% margin Republicans say protecting gun rights is more important, while by a 70% to 26% margin Democrats prioritize gun control. Independents are more divided, with 52% favoring gun rights and 44% gun control. For a comprehensive look at opinions on the gun issue, see “Views of Gun Control – A Detailed Demographic Breakdown,” Jan. 13.

Perhaps one reason that attitudes remained stable was how few saw the events in Tucson as a sign of broader social problems. Most (58%) Americans say things like this are just the isolated acts of troubled individuals. Only about half as many (31%) saw the shooting in Tucson as a reflection of broader problems in American society. By comparison, Americans were more likely to see broader problems behind the Virginia Tech shootings nearly four years ago – at that time, 46% thought the tragic events reflected broader societal problems.

Those who see broader social problems behind the shooting offer a variety of explanations. When asked to describe, in their own words, what the tragedy reflects in society, 27% point to problems in the social climate, such as the breakdown of society, the way children are raised, a lack of civility, respect, discipline and a general move away from religion, God and morality. But nearly as many (21%) believe that the shooting reflected problems in the political and media environment, such as political divisiveness and the impression that so many people are deeply unhappy with government these days.

Another 14% of those who see the Tucson shooting as reflective of broader social problems specifically mentioned problems in the mental health system, and 13% referred to weak gun laws that make it too easy for people to get guns. Slightly fewer (9%) described economic stress and unemployment as factors behind the shooting.

Last week’s shootings at Virginia Tech have had little immediate impact on public opinion about gun control. Six-in-ten Americans say it is more important to control gun ownership, while 32% say it is more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns. Opinion has changed little since 2004, when 58% said it was more important to control gun ownership than to protect the rights of gun owners.

At the same time, a 55% majority opposes a ban on the sale of handguns, while just 37% favor such a ban. There was greater support for gun control in the late 1990s and in 2000. In 2000, the public was evenly split over a handgun ban (47% favor/47% opposed).

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted April 18-22 among 1,508 adults, finds deep public differences about whether mass shootings like those at Virginia Tech reflect broader problems in society or are just the isolated acts of individuals.

Roughly half (47%) say such shootings are isolated acts, while about as many (46%) say they reflect broader societal problems. Opinions on this issue are divided politically; a solid majority of conservative Republicans (57%) say shootings like the one at Blacksburg are just the isolated acts of troubled individuals. Most liberal Democrats (59%) blame broader problems in American society.

Those who say the shootings reflect fundamental societal problems offer a variety of explanations. Overall, 37% volunteer problems related to morality or social values, while 23% cite shortcomings in the mental health, legal, or school systems. Just 14% mention gun laws or issues related to gun control.

Gender Divide Over Causes

There is a sizable gender gap in opinions about whether the Virginia Tech shootings, and others like them, are isolated acts of troubled individuals, or represent broader societal problems. By 55%-39%, men generally believe that such shootings are just isolated acts. By a nearly identical margin (54%-37%), women say shootings like the one at Blacksburg reflect broader problems in American society.

While liberal Democrats generally say these tragedies reflect problems in society – and conservative Republicans say the opposite – other political groups are more evenly divided. Among independents, moderate and liberal Republicans, and conservative and moderate Democrats, roughly the same number points to broader societal problems as say these shootings are the isolated acts of troubled individuals.

Notably, residents of the West are more likely than those in other regions to say that large-scale shootings are the acts of troubled people. People in the Northeast, by contrast, mostly point to broader societal problems.

People who said that the shootings at Virginia Tech and similar tragedies reflect broader problems in society differ in their views about those problems. Nearly half of Republicans who say the shootings reflect broader societal problems cite issues with morality or social values; that compares with just 26% of Democrats. Democrats who say the shootings reflect broader societal problems are much more likely than Republicans to mention gun laws or the ease with which people can buy guns (22% vs. 8%).

Gun Control Trends

In recent years, majorities have consistently said it is more important to control gun ownership than to protect the rights of gun owners, although opinions have fluctuated somewhat. Support for controlling gun ownership peaked in March 2000, less than a year after the shootings at Columbine High School. At that time, 66% said it was more important to control gun ownership, while just 29% thought it was more important to protect the rights of gun owners.

Support for gun owners’ rights subsequently increased, reaching a high point of 42% in June 2003 before falling back to 37% in February 2004. Currently, there is somewhat less support for gun owners’ rights than three years ago, though the overall balance of opinion has not changed substantially.

Yet there is somewhat greater opposition to a law banning the sale of handguns than there was in 2000 or the late 1990s. Currently, 55% say they oppose such a ban, compared with 47% in 2000. There are deep differences in opinions on both gun control questions. For instance, men oppose a ban on handgun sales by more than two-to-one (64%-30%). Women are fairly evenly divided over such a ban, with 47% opposed and 44% in favor.

By a wide margin (75%-21%), Republicans oppose a law banning handgun sales. Half of Democrats support a law prohibiting handgun sales, while 43% are opposed. Most independents (54%) oppose a ban on handgun sales, while 38% support a ban.

Impact on Children

Most parents of school age children say their kids have followed coverage of the shootings (56%), and most have talked either a lot (19%) or some (39%) with their children about the events at Virginia Tech. At the same time, four-in-ten parents of children in Kindergarten through 12th grade say their kids have not followed the story, and 24% say they have not talked about the events with their kids at all.

Four-in-ten parents say they have been trying to restrict how much coverage of the shootings their children watch, while 58% have not. Mothers are significantly more likely to say they are trying to restrict how much their kids see than are fathers (46% vs. 32%).

Most parents with children in college also report talking either a lot (27%) or some (28%) about the Virginia Tech shootings with their children, but about a quarter (28%) have not talked about the incident with their college kids at all. Most college parents (57%) say their kids in college have expressed no fears about safety at their school since the shootings, while 10% say their children in college have expressed a lot of concern about safety.

A year after the massacre at Colorado’s Columbine High School, the vast majority of the public believes it is the responsibility of parents to ensure that such tragedies are not repeated. In fact, a plurality identifies poor parenting — not peer pressure or violence in the media — as the primary cause for school shootings, like the one at Columbine. Americans continue to support gun control, with nearly two-thirds saying such restrictions are more important than the rights of gun owners. But tougher gun laws are not regarded as a panacea, and just 6% believe such laws would prevent a recurrence of incidents like the one at Columbine.

The shootings at that suburban Denver high school continue to shape the way parents and non-parents alike view the issue of school violence. About seven-in-ten (71%) parents say the violence at Columbine has had at least some impact on their feelings about the safety of their children at school. And whether or not they have children, Americans overwhelmingly agree that parents are best able to prevent future Columbines. More than eight-in-ten (85%) place this responsibility on the shoulders of parents, against just 9% who say it rests with the schools.

Overall, parents express concern about their children’s safety at school. Only 40% believe their children are very safe at school, and more than one-third (37%) say schools that their children attend have upgraded security in the past year. Fully 17% of parents report there have been serious threats of violence at those schools.

The latest Pew Research Center survey of 1,000 adults, including 283 parents, found that attitudes on gun control have generally remained unchanged in the year since the Columbine violence. By a solid 66%-to-29% majority, the public says controlling gun ownership is more important than protecting the right of Americans to own guns. This is similar to the 65% majority found in May 1999, in the immediate aftermath of Columbine. There also has been only slight movement on the question of whether to ban handguns. Currently, Americans are evenly split — 47% favor such a ban and 47% are opposed. In May 1999, 44% supported the ban and 50% were opposed.

It is clear that for many Americans gun control is but one remedy — and perhaps not even the most effective remedy — for preventing violence. While 41% believe that stricter gun laws would reduce violent crime by a great deal, 63% say that more jobs and community programs for young people would accomplish that objective. And a majority of the public (59%) says it is more important to enforce existing gun laws than to enact new statutes aimed at restricting weapons sales and improving gun safety.

The public’s ambivalence on gun-related questions is reflected in divisions over which party is better suited to handle this issue. Overall, Democrats hold a slight 36%-30% lead as doing a better job on gun control, but more than one-third of the public (34%) has no preference. The Democrats’ advantage on this issue has not changed significantly since last June, when they held a 42%-34% lead.

More Scrutiny of Troubled Youth

Asked about specific remedies for school violence, many Americans say more attention should be paid to children with anti-social attitudes. Fully six-in-ten believe that giving such children closer scrutiny would be more of an effective way to prevent shooting incidents than increasing school security (11%), passing stricter gun control laws (6%) or reducing violence in popular entertainment (13%).

Support for greater vigilance of this sort has grown in the past year; in April 1999, shortly after the Columbine incident, 49% endorsed paying more attention to kids’ anti-social attitudes and behaviors, 21% cited increasing school security, and 11% cited passing stricter gun control laws.

Attitudes have also changed in the last year on why such violent incidents occur. More than four in ten (42%) lay the blame on parents, compared to 36% in April 1999. One-quarter of the public (26%) cites violence in the media that children are exposed to, a decrease of eight percentage points from April 1999.

Overall, parents are split on what they think is the main reason why kids commit such violent acts — 35% think it is poor upbringing by parents, and 33% say it is the violence in the media that children are exposed to. Mothers and fathers also differ on this issue. Almost half of the fathers surveyed (46%) cite poor upbringing, compared to only one quarter (25%) of mothers. More than four-in-ten of the mothers (41%), on the other hand, point the finger at violence in the media. Relatively few parents attribute acts of violence to peer pressure (15%) or genetic or biological tendencies toward violence (3%).

The effects of Columbine are still being felt by parents and children in a number of ways. Only 40% of parents think their child is very safe at school, while five out of ten parents think their child is somewhat safe. One-third (34%) of parents say their child seems concerned about personal safety at school. More parents of schoolchildren age 12 to 17 (45%) report their child being concerned than do parents of schoolchildren age five to 11 (26%). Similarly, more parents of older children (25%) also report that they’ve heard of serious threats of violence involving children at their child’s school, compared to only 10% of parents with younger children.

Almost four-in-ten parents (37%) report that their child’s school has taken measures to ensure safety in the past year, like installing metal detectors, closed circuit TV cameras or hiring police or security guards. More parents of children age 12 to 17 say this occurs than parents of children age five to 11 (44%-30%).

The school shootings remain an important topic of conversation between parents and children. More than three-quarters (77%) of all parents and 85% of parents of children age 12-17 say they have had at least some discussion about school shootings with their children. In contrast, 41% of all parents have talked to their children about the case of Elian Gonzalez, the 6-year-old Cuban boy at the center of an international custody battle, and 33% have discussed the 2000 presidential election campaign.

Gender Gap Remains

While support for gun control is strong across all major demographic groups, a gender gap persists on this issue. Women favor controlling gun ownership over protecting the rights of gun owners by an overwhelming 73%-to-22% margin. On balance, men share this view, though by a narrower margin — 59%-36%. The partisan divide is even more pronounced. A 77% majority of Democrats back gun control, compared to a bare majority (55%) of Republicans.

Voters are less inclined this year than last to punish members of Congress who oppose gun control. In July 1999, fully 55% said a member of Congress who voted against gun control should not be reelected, while 35% said such a member would deserve reelection. Today the voting public is much more evenly divided: 41% say members who oppose gun control should not be returned to office vs. 44% who say they should be reelected. The shift in opinion has been particularly sharp among women and Democrats.

The fact remains, however, that a vote in favor of gun control is a political plus for many members of Congress. Fully 60% of voters say that a lawmaker who backed gun control should be reelected, down slightly from the 69% who held this view last year. Only 25% say a member who has supported gun control shouldn’t be returned to office.

Heading into the 2000 elections, it is unclear at this point which political party — or presidential candidate — has the upper hand on the question of gun control. The Democrats maintain a slight edge, along with Al Gore. In a Pew survey released last month, 41% said the vice president could do a better job representing their views on gun control, 37% chose George W. Bush.

Opinion about the role of the National Rifle Association is largely unchanged in recent years. A plurality of Americans (42%) say the NRA has too much influence over gun control laws in this country, 17% say the organization has too little influence, and 28% say its influence is about right. Similarly, in December 1993, 45% said the NRA was too influential, 15% said it had too little influence and 27% thought it had about the right amount of influence over gun laws.

In a similar vein, the percentage of Americans who believe that more gun restrictions will help reduce violent crime in this country has not increased significantly in recent years. And the public places more faith in several other potential solutions. Roughly four-in-ten Americans (41%) say stricter gun control laws would reduce violent crime “a lot,” similar to the 39% who held this view in March 1994. More jobs and community programs for young people is a much more popular approach. Longer jail terms for violent criminals, as well as restrictions on the amount of violence shown on TV are endorsed by about half of the public (49% and 48%, respectively). Nearly as many (46%) say more police on the streets would help reduce violent crime.

Gonzalez Case Top Story

The long-running saga of Elian Gonzalez was once again the month’s top news story. Interest in this story has slipped slightly from January (39% following very closely) and February (37%), when it also led the monthly news indexes.

The stock market’s recent convulsions were closely followed by about one-in-five (19%) Americans. Surprisingly, interest in this story did not increase following the sharp declines April 14 in both the Dow Jones industrial average and the NASDAQ composite index. Those who were interviewed before the market plunge tuned in at about the same rate as those who were surveyed from April 14-16.

With the presidential primary season over, fewer Americans paid close attention to coverage of the campaign. Overall, about 18% say they followed election news very closely, down from 26% in both March and February. More Republicans (25%) showed strong interest than either Democrats (18%) or independents (13%).

The recent court ruling against the software company Microsoft failed to garner much attention. Just 13% say they paid very close attention to the judge’s decision in the high-profile case, about the same who followed progress of the antitrust trial in December 1999 (11%) and November 1998 (12%).

Many more Americans express concern about the amount of violence on entertainment television programs than about the increasingly violent content of broadcast news.  TV news, while seen as containing more graphic violence than in the past, is also seen as reflecting the reality of a violent society.

Further, a large sector of the public appears desentized to violent video in newscasts because of the graphically brutal movies and entertainment television programs it watches.

These are the principal findings of a recent Times Mirror nationwide survey (of 1,516 Americans conducted February 20-23) which found that while more people think the news is too full of violence, fewer people today than in the 1980′s believe that the news exaggerates the amount of violence in America.  The poll also learned that heavy consumers of action movies, reality crime shows and other violent fare are less uneasy about the violent content of tv news and do not want to be sheltered from reporting of graphic violence, as do many other Americans.