So far, public interest in a trio of controversies connected to the Obama administration has been limited. Roughly a quarter (26%) of Americans say they are very closely following reports that the IRS targeted conservative groups. About the same number (25%) are tracking the Benghazi investigation very closely, and even fewer (16%) are very closely following news about the Justice Department subpoenaing phone records of AP journalists.

The new survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted May 16-19 among 1,002 adults, finds that 37% of Republicans are paying very close attention to the IRS story, compared with 21% of Democrats and 25% of independents. And the Benghazi investigation continues to draw much greater interest from Republicans (34% very closely) than Democrats (18%).

A historical review of previous controversies involving White House or cabinet officials finds that these levels of public interest – and the partisan divide in attentiveness – are not necessarily new. Previous scandals – such as the Lewis “Scooter” Libby case during George W. Bush’s administration or the “Pardon-gate” scandal at the end of Bill Clinton’s second term – received similar levels of public attention, and were generally more interesting to those in the opposition party.

The IRS Targeting Controversy

Overall, 42% say the Obama administration was involved in the decision to target conservative groups. Fewer (31%) say that the decision to target conservative groups was made by IRS employees without administration involvement, while 27% offer no opinion.

Not surprisingly, opinions about this are highly partisan. Nearly seven-in-ten Republicans (69%) say the administration was involved in the IRS’s decision to target conservative groups, compared with just 12% who say the decision was made by IRS employees. By contrast, just 21% of Democrats say the administration was involved, while 54% say IRS employees made the decision to target conservative groups. By a 44% to 28% margin, more independents say the administration was involved in the IRS decision than say it was not.

Those who followed the IRS story at least fairly closely (50% of the public) express similar views about the administration’s involvement: 49% say the administration was involved while 35% say it was not. But partisan differences are wider among this attentive segment of the population; fully 78% of Republicans who have followed the story believe the administration was involved in the decision to target conservative groups, while 63% of attentive Democrats say the decision came from IRS employees.

AP Phone Records Controversy

The public is of two minds when it comes to the Justice Department’s decision to subpoena the phone records of AP journalists as part of an investigation into the disclosure of classified information. Slightly more disapprove (44%) than approve (36%) of the DOJ’s actions.

Criticism of the DOJ is substantially higher among those who are paying attention to the story. By a 55% to 35% margin people who have followed reports about the AP phone records at least fairly closely disapprove of the DOJ’s actions. Attentive Republicans are particularly critical: they disapprove by a 66% to 28% margin.

Past Administration Controversies

The Pew Research Center has been tracking public interest in news stories for more than two decades, and while each political scandal is unique – and the list is hardly comprehensive – the level of public and partisan interest in the current affairs is largely consistent with prior events.

At their peaks, about a quarter of Americans very closely followed controversies involving Alberto Gonzales (22%), Scooter Libby (27%) and Karl Rove (23%) during George W. Bush’s administration. All three drew more attention from Democrats than Republicans.

The “Pardon-gate” controversy at the end of Bill Clinton’s presidency was followed very closely by 28%, with far more interest from Republicans (42%) than Democrats (24%).

The exception to this partisan gap was the public’s first reaction to the Monica Lewinsky story. An early February 1998 survey found 35% following very closely, with high levels of interest across party lines. However, the partisan gap in interest in allegations against Clinton increased during impeachment proceedings later that year.

As April 15 approaches, a majority of Americans (56%) have a negative reaction to doing their income taxes, with 26% saying they hate doing them. However, about a third (34%) say they either like (29%) or love (5%) doing their taxes.

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted April 4-7 among 1,003 adults, finds that the expectation of getting a refund is cited most often for why people like doing their taxes, but it is not the only factor.

When asked why they like doing their income taxes, 29% say that they are getting a refund, while 17% say they just don’t mind it or they are good at it; 13% say doing their taxes gives them a sense of control, while the same percentage cites a feeling of obligation – that it is their duty to pay their fair share.

Among those who dislike or hate doing their taxes, most cite the hassles of the process or the amount of time it takes: 31% say it is complicated, requires too much paperwork or they are afraid of making mistakes, while 24% say it is inconvenient and time-consuming. A much smaller share (12%) says they dislike doing their taxes because of how the government uses tax money. Just 5% of those who dislike or hate doing their income taxes say it is because they pay too much in taxes.

Overall, people with lower incomes are more likely to have a positive of view of doing their taxes than those with higher incomes. About four-in-ten (41%) of those with family incomes of less than $30,000 a year say they like or love doing their income taxes compared with 30% of those with incomes of $75,000 or more. Blacks are far more likely than whites to say they like doing their taxes (52% vs. 28%).

Democrats have a less negative view of doing their taxes than do Republicans or independents. Six-in-ten Republicans (60%) say they dislike or hate doing their taxes. Just 32% like it or love it. The balance of opinion is similar among independents (62% dislike or hate it, 31% like or love it). Democrats’ opinions are more mixed: just under half (46%) either dislike or hate doing their taxes, while four-in-ten (40%) like or love it.

Overall, a third (33%) of Americans say they do their own taxes while 56% say someone else prepares their taxes. About six-in-ten (61%) of those who say they hate or dislike doing their income taxes have someone else do it for them, compared with 52% of those who say they like or love doing it.

Not Reporting Income Seen as Morally Wrong

Seven-in-ten (71%) Americans agree that not reporting all income on your taxes is morally wrong, while 19% say it is not a moral issue; just 6% see this as morally acceptable.

This is down slightly from February 2006, when 79% said that not reporting all income was morally wrong.

Republicans are more likely than both Democrats and independents to describe not reporting all income as morally wrong – 78% of Republicans say this, compared with 68% of Democrats and 69% of independents. There is almost no difference among partisans who say that not reporting all income is morally acceptable – rather, Democrats and independents are more likely to say that it is not a moral issue.

Across all demographic groups, majorities agree that this is morally wrong. However, those with less educational attainment and lower family income are less likely than those with college degrees and higher incomes to say this. About two-thirds of those with a high school diploma or less (65%) or incomes below $30,000 (66%) say that not reporting all income is morally wrong, compared with about three-quarters of those in higher income and education groups.

With less than two weeks to go before the nation goes over the fiscal cliff, the public remains pessimistic about the possibility that the president and Congress will reach an agreement by the Jan. 1 deadline. In fact, opinions about the likelihood of a deal remain largely unchanged since early November, when negotiations between the two sides began.

The latest survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Dec. 13-16 among 1,006 adults, finds that 40% expect that the president and congressional Republicans will reach an agreement to prevent automatic spending cuts and tax increases from taking effect Jan. 1. Nearly half (49%) say they will not get a deal.

Opinions about the possibility of a deal have not changed at all since an early December survey by the Pew Research Center and The Washington Post. Moreover, they have not changed significantly since a Nov. 8-11 Pew Research/Washington Post survey.

The survey finds that, as was the case in early December, Democrats are more optimistic than Republicans or independents about the possibility of a fiscal cliff agreement. About half of Democrats (51%) expect an agreement to be reached by the Jan. 1 deadline. Majorities of Republicans (59%) and independents (53%) disagree.

The Democrats are in a strong position with the public as they engage in negotiations to find a solution to the fiscal cliff crisis. Barack Obama’s first post-reelection job approval rating has risen to 55%, up five points since July and 11 points since the start of the year. Obama’s job rating is markedly higher than George W. Bush’s first job measure (48%) after he won reelection in 2004.

When it comes to the reaching an agreement to avoid the fiscal cliff, 55% say Obama is making a serious effort to work with Republicans. But just 32% say Republican leaders are making a serious effort to work with Obama on a deficit deal.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Dec. 5-9 among 1,503 adults, finds that the current problems for the GOP run deep. Just 25% approve of the way Republican leaders in Congress are doing their jobs, while 40% approve of Democratic leaders’ job performance. And the GOP’s lead negotiator, House Speaker John Boehner, is viewed more unfavorably (40%) than favorably (28%).

By a 53% to 33% margin, the public sees the Republican Party, rather than the Democratic Party, as “more extreme in its positions.” Democrats, on the other hand, are seen as “more willing to work with leaders from the other party” by roughly two-to-one (53% vs. 27%).

Americans have long felt that deficit reduction should be achieved with a combination of spending cuts and tax increases, and as the debate intensifies, this consensus is only growing. Nearly three-quarters (74%) say the best way to reduce the deficit is by both cutting major programs and increasing taxes, up from 69% in September and just 60% in July 2011 when the debate focused on raising the debt ceiling. Just 11% say the focus should mostly be on program cuts and 7% say the focus should be mostly on tax increases.

However, while the public endorses a balanced approach to deficit reduction, majorities continue to oppose making cuts in federal funding for several specific programs, including education (77% disapprove), roads and transportation (67%), programs to aid low-income Americans (58%) and military defense (55%). And majorities also disapprove of gradually raising the retirement age for Medicare and Social Security (56% each).

In fact, the only deficit reduction proposals that garner more support than opposition – among 12 items tested – are those that affect higher income Americans, either directly or indirectly. Of the 12, by far the most widely supported option is raising taxes on incomes over $250,000; fully 69% approve of that proposal. Narrow majorities also favor limiting the deductions a taxpayer can claim (54% approve) and raising the tax rate on investment income (52%).

There is more support for an overall cap on tax deductions than for a limit on the tax deduction for home mortgage interest: opinion runs against limiting the mortgage deduction (41% approve, 52% disapprove), but in favor of a more general deduction limit as some have proposed (54% approve, 40% disapprove).

While the nation’s budget deficit may be the focus in Washington, the public continues to view the job situation as the most worrisome national economic issue. Four-in-ten (40%) say the job situation is the top economic worry, while 25% say the federal budget deficit. These views have changed little since March.

Although the public expresses doubts about the Republican Party’s leadership and approach to the current discussion, the GOP still engenders about as much confidence as the Democrats on the public’s top two economic worries – jobs and the deficit. But Democrats hold significant leads on all other domestic issues tested, including education, energy, health care and Social Security, as well as being seen as the party better able to manage the federal government by a 45% to 36% margin.

And there has been no improvement in the Republican Party’s image over the past year. The job approval rating of Republican congressional leaders, which fell to just 22% in August of 2011 after the debt ceiling debate, stands virtually unchanged at 25% today. Meanwhile, the job rating for both Democratic leaders in Congress (now 40% up from 29% in August 2011) and Obama (55% up from 43%) have rebounded by double-digits.

The recovery in Obama’s job approval ratings is particularly notable; other than a brief spike following the killing of Osama bin Laden, Obama’s approval has not been significantly above 50% since September of his first year in office.

And this corresponds with a less sour assessment of the economy. While few say the economy is in good shape, the number describing economic conditions as poor stands at 35%, the lowest since January 2008. And while only 22% believe that plenty of jobs are available, that is up from 10% in early 2010, and the highest since 2008. However, while current conditions appear slightly better, expectations for the future have taken a turn for the worse. The share who think economic conditions will be worse a year from now has risen to 25%, a four year high.

Partisanship is a factor in the changing views of the economy, particularly the public’s less positive economic outlook. Republicans, who no doubt were stung by Obama’s victory last month and are deeply pessimistic about progress toward a deal to avoid the fiscal cliff, have an increasingly negative economic outlook.

Nearly half of Republicans (47%) say the economy will be worse a year from now than it is today. In January, just 19% expected national conditions to worsen. Economic expectations among Democrats and independents are little changed from the start of this year.

A Pew Research Center/Washington Post poll last week found that 69% of Republicans said Obama and congressional Republicans will not reach a budget agreement by the Jan.1 deadline. By contrast, most Democrats (55%) predicted that the two sides would be able to reach an agreement in time.

Republicans’ deepening gloom – about the economy and the fiscal cliff – appears to have colored their overall expectations for the coming year. Fully 69% say 2013 will be worse than 2012; that compares with just 9% of Democrats and 38% of independents. Last January, just 37% of Republicans said the year ahead would be worse than the year that had just passed.

Meanwhile, there has been an across the board rise in the number saying that the country is more politically divided than it was in the past. Currently, 80% view the country as more politically divided – the highest percentage ever in a Pew Research Center survey. Nearly identical percentages of Democrats (82%), Republicans (81%) and independents (80%) say the country is more politically divided.

And 60% now say the people they know also are more politically divided. That is higher than the percentages saying this shortly after Obama first won the presidency (47% in January 2009) and Bush won his second term (53% in December 2004). In the current survey, majorities of Republicans (67%), independents (60%) and Democrats (58%) say the people they know are more divided over politics than in the past.

Other Findings

Military’s Ratings Still Strong. Favorable ratings for the military – and military leaders – remain strong despite the recent scandal involving former Gen. David Petraeus. More than eight-in-ten (83%) express a favorable opinion of the military while 71% have a favorable view of military leaders. Both measures are little changed from past years.

Views of Supreme Court Still Divided. The partisan differences in opinions about the Supreme Court that emerged after its ruling on the 2010 health care law remain evident. About six-in-ten Democrats (62%) have a favorable opinion of the court, compared with 44% of Republicans. In April, before its July ruling upholding most of the law, there were no significant differences in views of the court.

Mixed Awareness of Fiscal Cliff. A majority (57%) knows that the fiscal cliff involves automatic spending cuts and tax increases and 70% know that nearly all taxpayers – not just those with high incomes – would be affected. But just 38% know that if the spending cuts go into effect, the military would be most affected.

With Washington making little apparent progress in efforts to avoid going over the “fiscal cliff,” public opinion about the situation has changed little over the past three weeks.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and The Washington Post, conducted Nov. 29-Dec. 2 among 1,003 adults, finds continued pessimism over prospects for a deficit agreement.

Four-in-ten (40%) expect that the president and congressional Republicans will reach a deal by Jan. 1 to prevent automatic tax increases and spending cuts from taking effect; 49% say they will not. If no deal is reached, far more say congressional Republicans would be more to blame (53%) than President Obama (27%). These opinions are virtually unchanged since early November.

Democrats continue to be much more optimistic about prospects for a fiscal cliff compromise than either Republicans or independents. A majority of Democrats (55%) expect Obama and congressional Republicans will reach an agreement before Jan. 1 to prevent the automatic tax increases and spending cuts. Just 37% of independents and 22% of Republicans say an agreement will be reached.

Most Americans feel like they have only a dim understanding of what might happen if the automatic spending cuts and tax increase go into effect. Just 28% say they understand the consequences very well, while 29% understand them fairly well. These impressions also have changed little over the past three weeks.

Nonetheless, the public continues to see dire consequences – both for the nation’s economy and themselves – if the government goes over the fiscal cliff. While more say the nation’s economy (64%) than their own finances (43%) would be greatly affected, roughly six-in-ten say the impact would be negative for both the economy generally (60%) and their own personal finances (61%).

Democrats More Optimistic about Agreement

Republicans and Democrats continue to have starkly different expectations for the negotiations aimed at forestalling the automatic spending cuts and tax increases. Fully 69% of Republicans and 52% of independents say Obama and Republicans will not reach agreement in time to prevent the automatic measures from going into the effect. Yet Democrats remain optimistic – 55% predict an agreement will be reached while 36% do not.

Democrats overwhelmingly say Republicans in Congress would be more to blame if an agreement is not reached (77%). A smaller majority of Republicans (62%) say Obama should bear more of the blame. A third of Republicans (33%) say either that Republicans in Congress would be more to blame (19%) or volunteer than both sides would be equally to blame (14%). Just 16% of Democrats say Obama would be more to blame or that both sides would be equally to blame.

Fewer Young People Understand Fiscal Cliff

Overall, 57% of Americans say they have at least a fairly good understanding of what would happen if automatic spending cuts and tax increases go into effect as scheduled Jan. 1. But just 28% say they understand the consequences very well. There is no major demographic or political group in which a majority says they have a very good understanding of the possible impact of the fiscal changes.

In particular, people with lower family incomes, as well as those with less education and those younger than 30, feel like they have a dim understanding of what might happen if the spending and tax changes kick in. A majority (55%) of those with family incomes of less than $30,000 and 49% of those who have not attended college say they understand the possible implications not too well or not at all well; 54% of Americans younger than 30 say the same.

There are only modest partisan differences in how well people understand the effects of automatic spending cuts and tax increases: 61% of Republicans, 58% of Democrats and 55% of independents say they understand the impact of possible tax and spending changes very or fairly well.

Weekly News Interest

The debate in Washington over the fiscal cliff is the public’s top story this week: 40% paid very close attention to news about the debate over the automatic spending cuts and tax increases that will take effect Jan. 1 unless the president and Congress act.

Only about half as many (21%) followed news about another Washington story very closely – the debate over whether U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice should become secretary of state. Notably, there are only slight partisan differences in interest in the debate over Rice. A quarter of Republicans (25%), 21% of Democrats and 18% of independents followed this story very closely.

Three foreign stories attracted less public interest than news about Susan Rice or the fiscal cliff. Just 15% of Americans say they followed news about violence in Syria very closely; about as many very closely tracked news about political turmoil and protests in Egypt (14%) and the debate at the U.N. over the Palestinian territories (also 14%).

As the president and congressional leaders begin negotiations to avoid the “fiscal cliff” deadline at the end of the year, there is widespread public concern about the possible financial consequences. More say the automatic spending cuts and tax increases scheduled to take effect in January would have a major effect on the U.S. economy than on their own finances. But nearly identical majorities say the effect of the changes would be mostly negative for the economy (62%) and their personal financial situation (60%).

The public is skeptical that President Obama and congressional Republicans will reach an agreement by the end of the year to avoid the fiscal cliff. About half (51%) say the two sides will not reach an agreement, while just 38% say they will. If no deal is reached, more say that congressional Republicans would be more to blame than President Obama (53% vs. 29%).

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and The Washington Post, conducted Nov. 8-11, 2012, among 1,000 adults finds sharp partisan divisions over prospects for a deal to avoid the fiscal measures from automatically taking effect.

Republicans are particularly skeptical: By a 66%-25% margin more think an agreement will not be reached. By comparison, Democrats are about as likely to expect a deal to be made (47%), as not (40%). Among independents, 51% do not think President Obama and Republicans and in Congress will come to an agreement, while 37% think this will happen.

If an agreement is not reached, 85% of Democrats and 53% of independents say that Republicans in Congress would be more to blame. About two-thirds of Republicans (68%) say that if an agreement is not reached, President Obama would be more to blame.

Impressions of Fiscal Cliff

While debate over the fiscal cliff is the dominant issue in Washington, many Americans say they do not fully understand the consequences of the tax and spending measures taking effect. Only about quarter (26%) say they understand very well what would happen if the automatic spending cuts and tax increases were to go into effect in January; 32% say they understand the effect of these changes fairly well. About four-in-ten (42%) say they understand the impact of these measures not too well (23%) or not at all well (17%).

There are only slight partisan differences in percentages saying they understand the consequences of the fiscal cliff: 64% of Republicans and 61% of Democrats say they understand the possible impact of the spending and tax changes. That compares with 53% of independents.

Those who say they understand the potential impact of the automatic spending cuts and tax increases either very or fairly well are more likely to say there will be a major impact on the U.S. economy (75%) and their own personal finances (48%) than are those who understand the issue not too well or not at all well (58% major impact on economy, 38% major impact on personal finances).

The election is the public’s top news story this week: Fully 60% say they followed news about the presidential election very closely. That is the same as the percentage tracking election news during the week that Obama was elected president four years ago (60%).

Nearly half (46%) followed news about the impact of Hurricane Sandy very closely, down slightly from 53% a week prior.

Interest in news about the fiscal cliff nearly equals interest in news about the economy. Nearly four-in-ten (38%) followed news about the debate in Washington over the possible spending cuts and tax increases very closely; 41% paid very close attention to economic news. In July, just 23% followed news about the possible tax and spending changes very closely.

Partisan Divide in Views of Fiscal Cliff

Republicans and Democrats take somewhat different views on the effect automatic spending cuts and tax increases would have on the economy and their own personal finances.

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say there would be a major effect on the economy (78% vs. 64%) as well as on their own personal finances (54% vs. 39%).

In addition, 79% of Republicans say the effect on the economy would be negative and 74% see a negative impact on their own personal finances. By comparison, Democrats express less concern: 50% say the economic effect of automatic spending cuts and tax increases would be mostly negative, and 52% say the same about the effect on their personal finances.

Public concern over the debt and deficit, already extensive, is only likely to increase as the so-called “fiscal cliff” approaches at the end of the year. Yet among a dozen specific options for reducing the debt and deficit, only two win majority approval from the public – raising taxes on annual incomes over $250,000 (64% approve) and limiting corporate tax deductions (58%).

A new national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Oct. 4-7, among 1,511 adults, including 1,201 registered voters, finds that cuts in education spending are particularly unpopular. Fully 75% disapprove of reducing federal education funding and 61% oppose cuts in funding for student loans.

Majorities also oppose reducing military defense spending (56%) and funding for scientific research (54%). Opinion is divided over reducing funding to help low-income Americans (50% disapprove vs. 43% approve).

There also is resistance to making changes in Social Security and Medicare to reduce the debt and deficit: 57% oppose raising the amount Medicare recipients contribute to their health care, while 56% disapprove of gradually raising the Social Security retirement age. About as many disapprove (47%) as approve (49%) of reducing Medicare benefits for higher-income seniors.

And the public is split over limiting tax deductions for mortgage interest as a way to reduce the national debt: 47% approve and 44% disapprove of this proposal.

Obama, Romney Voters Far Apart

The political divide over most of these proposals is substantial. The biggest differences between voters who favor Barack Obama and those who support Mitt Romney are over raising taxes on incomes over $250,000 and reducing military defense spending. Fully 84% of registered voters who support Obama approve of raising taxes on annual incomes above $250,000, compared with 41% of Romney voters.

Most Obama voters (58%) favor cutting military defense spending to reduce the debt and deficit; an even higher percentage of Romney voters (82%) oppose defense cuts.

While 62% of Obama supporters approve of raising taxes on investment income to reduce the debt and deficit, an identical percentage of Romney voters (62%) disapprove of increasing investment taxes.

Similarly, while 58% of Romney supporters favor cuts in federal programs that aid lower-income Americans, 68% of Obama voters oppose reductions in programs that aid the poor.

Among the 12 items tested, there is only one – limiting tax deductions for large corporations – that wins support from majorities of both Obama voters (69%) and Romney voters (57%).

By two-to-one (44% to 22%), the public says that raising taxes on incomes above $250,00o would help the economy rather than hurt it, while 24% say this would not make a difference. Moreover, an identical percentage (44%) says a tax increase on higher incomes would make the tax system more fair, while just 21% say it would make the system less fair.

Most Democrats say raising taxes on incomes over $250,000 would help the economy (64%) and make the tax system more fair (65%).  Republicans are more divided: 41% say this would hurt the economy, while 27% say it would help and 24% it would make no difference. And while 36% of Republicans say raising taxes on incomes over $250,000 would make the tax system less fair, 30% say this would make no difference and 25% say it would make the tax system more fair.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted July 12-15 among 1,015 adults, finds that 58% identify Barack Obama as the presidential candidate who favors raising taxes to incomes above $250,000. Republicans (66%) and Democrats (64%) are more likely than independents (53%) to correctly associate Obama with this proposal.

The proportion that correctly identifies Obama as the candidate who supports higher taxes on incomes over $250,000 is on par with the percentage that knew the Supreme Court upheld most of the provisions of the 2010 Affordable Care Act. In late June, 55% said that the court had upheld most provisions of the law. (See “Division, Uncertainty over Court’s Health Care Ruling,” July 2, 2012.)

On balance, those who know Obama supports higher taxes on incomes over $250,000, as well as those who do not, say it would have a positive impact on the economy and tax fairness. However, those unaware of Obama’s support of the proposal are more likely to say it would have no effect on the economy and tax fairness than are those who know Obama favors it.

There is a similar pattern in opinions among those who have heard a lot about the debate and those who have heard less about it. Overall, 35% say they have heard a lot about the debate over raising taxes on incomes over $250,000, 39% have heard a little, while 26% have heard nothing at all.

In my years of polling, there has never been an issue such as the deficit on which there has been such a consensus among the public about its importance – and such a lack of agreement about acceptable solutions.

When the public was asked in March to volunteer the most important problem facing the nation, only unemployment and the economy were cited more often.

The deficit has also risen in importance in the public mind when Americans are asked at the beginning of each year what they believe to be the top national priorities for the president and the Congress.

The Pew Research Center began measuring national priorities in 1997. Jobs, education, Social Security, Medicare and the budget deficit were at the top of the list then just as they are now, in 2012.

The deficit had earlier slipped as a priority during the last years of the Clinton administration when the budget was in surplus and following the 9/11 attacks when terrorism rose as a priority.

Today, however, the budget deficit stands out as one of the fastest growing priorities for Americans, rising 16 percentage points since 2007 and ranking third with 69% calling it a top priority. Only the economy and jobs, ranking first and second at 86% and 82% respectively, have registered bigger increases over this period – hardly surprising, given the financial meltdown that began in 2008 and whose impact is still being felt today.

While an increasing number of Americans share concern about the deficit, the issue has often been one that generates intense reactions among Republicans given their traditional preference for a smaller and less activist federal government.

The number of Republicans ranking the budget deficit as a top priority has spiked to 84% compared to 68% a year ago, and 42% five years ago. Concern has also risen among Democrats and independents, but nowhere near to the degree it has among Republicans. About two-thirds (66%) of Democrats rank the deficit as a top priority compared to 61% last year and 57% in 2007. Just over six-in-ten (62%) of independents say the deficit is a top priority, compared to 65% a year ago and 53% in 2007.

The Republican emphasis on the deficit is reflected in the voting priorities of those who favor presumptive Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney and those who support President Obama.

Voters who rank the federal budget deficit as a top priority favor Romney over Obama by a 52% to 42% margin.

Concerns over the debt has become a troubling issue on both sides of the Atlantic. However, the politics surrounding it differs in the U.S. A median 81% of the publics in European countries regard the size of the national debt as a major threat to economic well-being; 71% of Americans share that view.

But the unease over the national debt is far more likely to be a partisan issue in the U.S. than it is in Europe.  Europeans, whatever their political leanings, tend to see indebtedness the same way. The left-right divide in concern is five percentage points in Germany, four in France, and three in Britain. It is 20 points in the United States, with only 59% of liberals ranking debt as a major threat to the economy compared with 79% of conservatives.

While there is a clear and broad consensus in the U.S. about the importance of dealing with debt and deficit, that is where the clarity and consensus stops – undermined by the disconnect between the public’s stated desire for a smaller government delivering fewer services, and its resistance to spending cuts and, in other cases, tax increases.

By a margin of 52% to 39%, the largest in five years, Americans express a preference for smaller government as opposed to a larger government providing more services.

But even given that preference, there was not a great deal of support for decreases in spending across a range of issues in a February 2011 survey.

The survey did find that fewer Americans supported spending increases than in previous years, but even with those declines, the number of Americans favoring increases still outnumbered those favoring decreases on 15 of 18 issues tested. In addition, a substantial number are willing to see spending held steady.

The reluctance to cut spending, or support tax increases, was foreshadowed by reaction to the sweeping recommendations issued in December 2010 by the Simpson-Bowles deficit commission created by President Obama. The commission had called for deep cuts in military and domestic spending, reducing or ending popular tax breaks (including the home mortgage interest deduction) and changes to entitlement programs.

While 70% of Americans said at the time that the budget deficit was a major problem that needed to be addressed immediately, they disapproved of the commission’s proposals by a 48% to 30% margin, with 21% expressing no opinion.

When it came to specifics, the public had three kinds of reactions:

About two-thirds or more said “no” to proposals for taxing employer-provided health insurance plans, raising the gasoline tax, reducing federal funding to states and raising the contributions the Medicare recipients pay into the program.

Proposals drawing more moderate opposition – ranging from 52% to 58% – would eliminate the home mortgage interest deduction, raise the Social Security retirement age, and impose a national sales tax.

What the public saw as acceptable included raising the Social Security contribution cap for affluent recipients (64% in favor) and freezing the salaries of federal workers (59% in favor). At the same time, a plurality backed raising taxes on high-income earners by not including them in an extension of the Bush-era tax cuts, (47% favored making the cuts available only for those earning less than $250,000 a year, compared to 33% who supported an extension for all).

Many of those findings were echoed in a later May 2011 survey conducted in the run-up to last summer’s fractious debt ceiling debate.

Majorities ranging from 54% to 59% rejected proposals to reduce funding to help lower-income Americans, reducing Social Security benefits for high-income seniors, and raising the Social Security retirement age. More than seven-in-ten opposed reducing funding to states for roads and education, and taxing employer-provided health insurance. The public was divided on limiting the home mortgage deduction interest and cutting agriculture subsidies.

The areas where there was support for cuts included reducing foreign aid (a relatively small part of the budget), raising the Social Security contribution cap, taxing those with annual incomes of over $250,000, limiting tax deductions for large corporations and reducing military commitments overseas.

The  most heated and politically-charged issue when it comes to proposals to deal with the debt/deficit debate is what, if anything, to do about entitlement programs.

The public overwhelmingly regards Social Security as a program that has been good for the country, with 87% holding that view. More than three-quarters (77%) also share the concern that its financial condition is only fair or poor. But that’s where the consensus ends.

There is strong resistance to any cuts in entitlement programs in order to reduce the deficit, with 58% of Americans saying that to maintaining benefits as they are trumps deficit reduction, (35% favor taking steps to reduce the deficit). Nearly six-in-ten (59%) put a higher priority on avoiding any future cuts in benefit amounts than on avoiding Social Security tax increases for workers and employers, with 32% believing that avoiding tax increases is more important.

Agreement that Social Security benefits should be maintained at current levels even if it removes one way to cut the deficit is shared among all age groups.  But beyond that consensus, there are generational divides on a host of issues.

The importance of keeping benefits at current levels is felt more intensely by Baby Boomers and the over-65 Silent generation than it is among Millennials, (62% of Boomers and 64% of Silents want to keep benefits untouched compared to 53% of Millennials). Six-in-ten or more of Gen Xers, Baby Boomers, and Silents want to avoid any future cuts in Social Security benefit amounts, far outnumbering those in their age groups who put the priority on avoiding any Social Security tax increases. Far fewer Millennials (49%) say they want to avoid any future benefit cuts, and more of them (44%) say their priority is to avoid tax increases.

There are also generational divides on proposals that would privatize Social Security and gradually raise the age of eligibility, both of which get a decidedly mixed reaction from those now of retirement age or older.

Fully 86% of Millennials favor changing Social Security to let younger workers invest Social Security taxes in private accounts. Support for that proposal is lower among Gen Xers (69%), Boomers (58%) and Silents (52%). The age divide extends to the idea of changing Medicare so people can use their benefits towards purchasing private health insurance. About three-quarters of Millennials (74%) favor this proposal, compared to 48% of Silents.

When it comes to the proposal to gradually raise the Social Security retirement age, the Silents are at odds with the younger generations. About half (51%) of Silents support this idea, compared to 39% of Boomers, 30% of Gen Xers and 40% of Millennials.

In addition to generational differences, there are sharp partisan disagreements.

About two-thirds (67%) of Democrats oppose future cuts in Social Security compared to 49% of Republicans. On Medicare, 41% of Republicans say its recipients should pay more of their health care costs compared to 23% of Democrats. More than seven-in-ten (72%) Democrats say recipients already pay enough compared to 53% of Republicans.

While the public is resistant to a wide range of proposals to deal with the deficit, it has expressed a solid distaste for the deadlock in Washington.

In late 2011, about two-thirds (65%) wanted their lawmakers to be willing to compromise rather than stand by their principles, even if standing by principles meant no progress was made. That view was held by 74% of Democrats and 67% of independents compared to 52% of Republicans.

The public did signal its flexibility on strategy for dealing with deficits, with a majority favoring a combination of major program cuts and tax increases as part of any agreement. Just 17% said the best approach was using only major spending cuts and just 8% said deficit reduction should be achieved through only tax increases. Democrats were the most likely to favor the combination approach, with 71% holding that view compared to 53% of Republicans. Independents were in between at 63%.

The fact that the parties, in the end, did not break their deadlock exacted a political cost. The debt ceiling fight in the summer of 2011 resulted in the public holding less favorable views of President Obama and House Speaker John Boehner.

Both parties lost ground in public esteem, but the Republicans suffered the biggest setbacks. Americans associated the Republicans with extreme positions while viewing the Democrats as the party of compromise, which is what the public wanted lawmakers to do as the prospect loomed of a federal government default. Opinion of the Republican leadership nose-dived over that summer. At the end of July, 42% of Americans saw Republicans in Congress less favorably after the weeks of debt negotiations, (44% said their opinions were unchanged and 11 percent said their opinion was more favorable).  More generally, the Republican Party’s favorable rating sank to 34% in August 2011 compared to 42% in February, unfavorable views of the GOP rose from 51% to 59%. Democrats continued to get mixed marks, with 43% seeing them favorably and 50% unfavorably (compared to 48% favorable and 45% unfavorable in February).

The high level of disappointment and frustration reflected by this public reaction poses a serious conundrum for those in Washington wrestling with the debt and deficit issue – they are dealing with a public that is demanding solution to a problem which it has declared to be a major priority, but at the same time Americans are resistant, or divided at best, on the sacrifices that would be required to achieve a solution.

The bottom line appears to be that if the deficit and related entitlement programs are to be addressed, it may well have to be in spite of public opinion, not in response to it.