An overwhelming majority of the public supports laws that give patients the right to decide whether they want to be kept alive through medical treatment. And fully 70% say there are circumstances when patients should be allowed to die, while just 22% believe that doctors and nurses should always do everything possible to save a patient.

Public attitudes on these and many other end-of-life issues are unchanged from 1990, despite advances in lifesaving technology, the aging of the population, and the controversy associated with the Terri Schiavo case. Most Americans believe it should be up to individuals ­ not the government or medical professionals ­ to ultimately determine their end-of-life medical decisions.

The Pew Research Center’s survey, conducted Nov. 9-27, 2005 among 1,500 adults, finds that while overall attitudes are largely stable, people are increasingly thinking about ­ and planning for ­ their own medical treatment in the event of a terminal illness or incapacitating medical condition. Public awareness of living wills, already widespread in 1990, is now virtually universal, and the number saying they have a living will has more than doubled ­ from just 12% in 1990 to 29% today.

People also are much more willing to discuss sensitive end-of-life issues with their loved ones than they were a generation ago. Nearly seven-in-ten (69%) of those who are married say they have had a conversation with their husband or wife about their spouse’s wishes for end-of-life medical care; only about half reported doing so in 1990 (51%). Among those with living parents, 57% say they have spoken with their mother ­ and 48% with their father ­ about the parent’s requests for end-of-life treatment.

There is strong sentiment in favor of letting close family members decide whether to continue medical treatment for a terminally ill loved one who is unable to communicate their own wishes. Roughly three-quarters (74%) say a family member should be permitted to make this decision, which is little changed from 1990 (71%).

But Americans make a distinction between allowing a terminally ill person to die and taking action to end someone’s life. The public is deeply divided over legalizing physician-assisted suicide; 46% approve of laws permitting doctors to help patients to end their lives, while about as many are opposed (45%).

Though most Americans say it is sometimes morally acceptable for people with dire medical conditions to take their own lives, acceptance of this practice is highly dependent on circumstances. Six-in-ten feel that people have a moral right to end their lives if they suffer from great pain and have no chance for improvement. But this view changes under less extreme circumstances. For example, just 29% say a person has a moral right to end their life if he or she has become burdensome to family, with 62% saying someone in that situation does not have a moral right to take their life.

The survey finds that in many ways, public attitudes toward death and dying defy easy categorization. A majority believes that it is at least sometimes justifiable for a person to kill their spouse, again in extreme circumstances. Roughly six-in-ten (61%) feel that the ‘mercy killing’ of a spouse is always (6%) or sometimes (55%) justified, if the spouse “was suffering terrible pain from a terminal disease.” About half as many (29%) say such an act is never justified, although that represents a significant increase since 1990 (20%).

People’s views of end-of-life policies and practices do not perfectly mirror their own treatment preferences. While there has been an increase since 1990 in the percentage saying that people generally have a moral right to end their own life if they are facing an incurable illness and great pain (from 55% in 1990 to 60% now), there has also been an increase in the percentage who say they would personally want everything possible done to save their lives in many situations. About a third (34%) now say they would tell their doctor to do “everything possible” to save their life even if faced with a terminal illness and great pain; in 1990, fewer (28%) indicated they wanted everything done to save them in that case.

Other Findings

• People who have helped make end-of-life medical treatment decisions for loved ones are more likely than others to have a living will or to have discussed their wishes for end-of-life care. In addition, more of those who have gone through this experience believe in a moral right to suicide in certain circumstances, and favor ending their own medical treatment in the face of an incurable disease and great pain.
• By a wide margin, the public continues to disapprove of congressional action in 2005 that directed the federal courts to hear the case of Terri Schiavo, the brain-damaged Florida woman who later died after her feeding tube was removed.
• The Democratic Party has a modest advantage with the public in dealing with end-of-life issues. About one-third (34%) say the Democrats could do a better job with such issues, while 22% favor the Republicans.
• There is very little consistency in public attitudes toward what have been characterized as “life” issues ­ abortion, the death penalty, and end-of-life questions. However, abortion opponents, and opponents of the death penalty, are more likely than those who accept these practices to favor doing everything possible to save a life regardless of the circumstances, as well as to oppose physician-assisted suicides.

Right to Die Laws Favored

By more than eight-to-one (84%-10%), the public approves of laws that let terminally ill patients make decisions about whether to be kept alive through medical treatment. This represents a small but significant increase in support for right to die laws since 1990 (79%).

The increase in support has been more pronounced among those over the age of 50 (from 72% to 83% approval), white Catholics (from 80% to 91% approval), and among those who have given a great deal of thought to end-of-life issues (from 79% to 87% approval).

In instances where a terminally ill patient is unable to communicate, the public supports allowing the closest family member to decide whether to continue medical treatment; 74% agree with this approach, while only 15% say that relatives should not be allowed to make such decisions. Here, too, the public is united across political and demographic lines, with approximately three-quarters of Republicans (72%), Democrats (78%), and independents (74%) saying that family members should be able to make treatment decisions for sick relatives.

This strong support for allowing the removal of medical treatment and for allowing family members to make these decisions is reflected in public opinion on the Terri Schiavo controversy. Nearly three-quarters (72%) of the public say that Congress should have stayed out of the Schiavo case, while fewer than one-in-five (17%) say Congress, in its effort to ensure that Schiavo continued to receive medical treatment, did the right thing by requiring federal courts to hear the case. This is essentially unchanged from a July 2005 survey, which found only 20% saying Congress did the right thing.

Large majorities of all social and demographic groups, including Republicans and evangelical Protestants, say that Congress should have stayed out of the Schiavo case. Similarly, even among people who believe that doctors and nurses should make every effort to save a patient’s life, as well as those who think family members should not be able to decide whether to continue medical treatment if a patient’s wishes are not known, solid majorities say that Congress overstepped its bounds in the Schiavo case.

Assisted Suicide: Stark Religious Differences

Though Americans are broadly supportive of allowing patients and their families to decide whether medical treatment should be removed, the public is divided over laws that let doctors prescribe lethal doses of drugs to assist terminally ill patients end their lives. Nearly half (46%) approve of such laws, while about as many (45%) disapprove.

On this issue, Americans are divided along religious and political lines. By two-to-one (61%-30%) white evangelical Protestants oppose physician-assisted suicide laws; by nearly identical margins, white mainline Protestants and seculars approve of such laws. Catholics, on balance, oppose such laws (by 50%-40%).

Small majorities of Democrats (52%) and independents (52%) approve of allowing physician-assisted suicide. Most Republicans oppose these laws (by 55%-34%), and conservative Republicans oppose them by a margin of two-to-one (62%-29%).

Views on assisted suicide are also affected by the amount of thought given to end-of-life issues; 57% of those who have given a great deal of thought to these issues approve of legal assisted suicide, a view shared by only 35% of those who have given little or no thought to these matters.

Politics of End-of-Life Issues

The Democratic Party holds a modest advantage over the GOP as the party seen as better able to handle end-of-life issues. Roughly a third (34%) say the Democrats could do a better job in these matters, compared with 22% who favor the Republicans. Many see neither party as particularly good on the issue (16%) and about a quarter (26%) say they don’t know which party could do a better job.

Predictably, there is a strong partisan component to opinion on this issue, with Republicans favoring the GOP and Democrats favoring the Democratic Party. Independents who choose a side favor Democrats over Republicans (by 27% to 14%), and self-described moderates give the Democrats an even bigger advantage (40% for the Democrats, 16% for the Republicans).

Support for Allowing Patients to Die

The vast majority of Americans ­70% ­ say that there are sometimes circumstances in which a patient should be allowed to die; only 22% believe that doctors and nurses should always do everything possible to save the life of a patient. The number of people who think there are times when medical treatment should be ended has changed little since 1990, though the percentage believing that all possible efforts should be made has grown modestly during the period (from 15% in 1990).

Only among African Americans does a majority (51%) think doctors and nurses should always do everything possible to save a patient (40% disagree). In addition, 35% of those ages 18-29 say everything should be done to keep a patient alive; no more than one-in-five in any other age category agrees.

But Fewer Would Halt Treatment for Themselves

While most people support the general idea of stopping medical treatment in some circumstances, fewer would personally ask their doctor to cut off treatment if they faced a terminal or debilitating illness. If facing an incurable illness and suffering a great deal of physical pain, 53% would opt to stop medical treatment, while 34% would tell their doctor to do everything possible to save their life.

Fewer Americans (44%) say they would ask to end care if they had an illness that made them totally dependent on another person for all of their care, while 38% say they would want everything done to save them. There is an almost even division of opinion over ending treatment if a person had no hope of improvement and had difficulty functioning; 42% say they would ask that treatment be halted in that case, while 43% say they would tell their doctor to do everything possible. Since 1990, there has been a modest increase in the numbers who say they want everything done medically under these scenarios.

As with the general question of whether there are circumstances under which care should be stopped, African Americans and younger people are more likely than others to say they would personally want every effort made to save their life. By contrast, older respondents ­ those ages 50 and older ­ are significantly less likely than others to say they would want this type of care. White evangelicals and people who attend religious services at least once per week are also more apt than others to want every effort made on their behalf.

Views of a Parent’s Treatment Wishes

After being asked about their own wishes in response to these situations, respondents who had at least one living parent were asked what their parent would want done in the same circumstances. For the most part, the answers were similar to their own wishes: A small majority says their parent would opt to stop treatment if faced with a terminal illness and great pain, while reactions to the other two scenarios were more divided.

There are no significant differences in opinion about what a person’s mother or father would want done in these circumstances, with one notable exception. In a situation where an illness left the person totally dependent on a family member or another person for care, mothers were thought more apt to choose to have all possible efforts made to save her life (by 47% to 37%), while more respondents thought their fathers would tilt the other way if faced with such a choice (45% stop treatment, 41% do everything possible). For both mothers and fathers in this scenario, there was a significant increase since 1990 in the desire to have all possible efforts at treatment (up nine percentage points for fathers, up 14 points for mothers).

The wishes of respondents were usually, but not always, the same as the wishes of the parent they described. Among respondents who said they would opt to stop treatment if personally faced with a terminal illness and great pain, 71% also said their parent would likely make the same choice; 16% said their parent would probably opt for all available treatment.

More See Doctors as Responsive

A growing number of people believe that doctors and nurses are paying a lot of attention to instructions from patients about whether or not to keep them alive. Three-in-ten think that doctors are paying a lot of attention to patients’ end-of-life wishes, up from 20% in 1990. Overall, nearly seven-in-ten (68%) believe that doctors are paying a lot or some attention to the life-sustaining treatment requests of patients.

People who have played a role in determining the end-of-life treatment of a family member or loved one are more likely than others to believe that doctors and nurses pay close attention to patients’ wishes: 41% say they pay a lot of attention, and 34% say they pay at least some attention. Better educated people are also more likely to think doctors and nursers are paying close attention. Four-in-ten college graduates think doctors are paying a lot of attention to patients about whether or not they want treatment to keep them alive. This is up 16% since 1990 when 24% of college graduates felt this way, the largest increase among any demographic group.

A Moral Right to End One’s Own Life?

A solid majority of Americans (60%) believe a person has a moral right to end their life if they are suffering great pain and have no hope of improvement. Nearly as many (53%) believe a person has a moral right to end their life if suffering from an incurable disease. But far fewer see a right to suicide in other circumstances. Just a third say a person is morally justified in ending their life because living has become a burden. Slightly fewer (29%) favor a right to suicide when a person has become an extremely heavy burden on his or her family.

There are significant gender and racial differences over the moral right to suicide. Men are more likely than women to support a right to end one’s own life in a situation where there is no hope of improvement and great pain (66% for men, 54% for women). A solid majority of whites (62%) say a person has a moral right to end their life under such circumstances, compared with just 43% of African Americans.

Attitudes on this question are also strongly related to the respondent’s religious beliefs, as well as to party and ideology. Fewer than half of white evangelical Protestants (42%) believe that an individual suffering a great deal of pain with no hope of improvement has a moral right to end their life, compared with 73% of white mainline Protestants. Most Catholics (60%) support the moral right to suicide under these circumstances, as do an overwhelming majority of seculars (78%). Similarly wide disparities are seen in terms of church attendance, with frequent attenders less supportive of such a right.

There are wide differences between Republicans and Democrats on this question as well. Fully 83% of liberal Democrats think people have a moral right to end their own lives under these circumstances, while just 41% of conservative Republicans agree. Moderate and liberal Republicans (63%) and conservative and moderate Democrats (62%) fall in between.

Many See ‘Mercy Killing’ as Sometimes Justified

Beyond supporting an individual’s moral right to take their own life under certain circumstances, a majority of the public believes that helping a terminally ill spouse commit suicide ­ or even killing a spouse in this situation ­ can at least be sometimes justified. Despite the stark difference in the framing of these options, the public makes little distinction between justifying the killing of a spouse or helping a spouse to commit suicide.

Most Americans (55%) say that killing a spouse who is terminally ill and suffering from terrible pain is sometimes justified, but far fewer (6%) believe it is always justified. Only 29% say it is never justified, though that is up from 20% when the question was first asked in 1990. White evangelical Protestants are more likely than other religious groups to believe that killing a spouse is never justified, but even among this group only about half (47%) hold this view.

Despite the widespread sentiment that killing a spouse, or helping a spouse commit suicide, is sometimes justified, most people say they cannot imagine actually taking such actions themselves. Only about a third (36%) say they could imagine helping a loved one commit suicide, and even fewer (29%) say they could imagine killing a loved one.

Severely Handicapped Infants

Compared with 15 years ago, more people say that infants born with severe handicaps ­ no matter how severe ­ should receive as much medical treatment as possible. Overall, 60% feel this way, up from 52% in 1990. Just 28% believe that parents have the right to refuse treatment that might save the infant’s life, down from 32% in 1990. African Americans (84%) and younger respondents (70%) are more likely than others to favor providing as much treatment as possible.

Only about half of college graduates (48%) support making every effort medically to save a severely handicapped infant ­ though that is still larger than the percentage saying parents should have the right to refuse treatment (36%).

Support for providing the most treatment possible increases to 65% among people with only a high school diploma and to 73% among those who did not finish high school.

Catholic Priests Raise End-of-Life Issues

Overall, a third of regular churchgoers say that the clergy at their place of worship speak out on end-of-life issues. Roughly half of regular churchgoers say their clergy speak out on abortion (52%) and Iraq (50%). However, only about quarter (27%) say their clergy address the death penalty.

Catholic clergy stand out in their attention to end-of-life issues; half of Catholics who attend church at least monthly say that their clergy speak out on these matters, compared with 28% of evangelical Protestants and 16% of mainline Protestants.

More Catholics than Protestants also report hearing about abortion (71%) and the death penalty (35%) from their clergy.

How Generations Have Changed

This survey made it possible to track opinions and experiences within discrete generations over time ­ most of the key questions were also asked in 1990 and several in 1975 as well. Even though the individuals interviewed in the earlier years were themselves not re-interviewed, the newer polls include age groups that are 15 (or 30) years older and thus represent the same generations interviewed earlier.

One of the most striking changes between 1990 and 2005 is the growth in the
number of people who say they have a living will ­ up 17 points, from 12% in 1990 to 29% now. This growth occurred across generations; while the number saying they have living wills increased the most in the oldest cohort (up 38 points), it also grew by at least 20 points in each of the other three cohorts tracked over this time period.

Another notable change since 1975 is the growth in the number of people who see a moral right to suicide for those suffering great pain with no hope of improvement ­ up nearly 20 percentage points compared with three decades ago. However, most of this increase occurred between 1975 and 1990 (from 41% to 55%); since 1990, there has been a more modest rise in the number expressing this view (five points).

Over the past three decades, increased acceptance of a moral right to suicide has been greatest (from 29% to 46%) among the oldest cohort ­ those Americans who were between the ages of 48 and 62 in 1975, and are now ages 78 to 92. But younger generations also are more supportive of a moral right to end one’s life now compared with 1975.

While more people have come to accept a right to suicide over the past 30 years, the trend on so-called “mercy killing” has moved in the opposite direction. The number of people who believe that killing a terminally ill spouse is never justified, while still a minority, has risen nine percentage points since 1990. However, views on this issue have not changed among the middle cohort ­ those people who roughly correspond to the older end of the baby boomer generation (ages 48 to 62).

Abortion, Death Penalty and End-of-Life Issues

Relatively few Americans subscribe to what may be termed as a consistent “ethic of life” ­ opposing both abortion and the death penalty, and favoring the use of all medical means to keep terminally ill patients alive. Abortion opponents and death penalty opponents alike overwhelmingly believe that there are circumstances in which doctors and nurses should let a patient die.

However, abortion opponents stand out for their overwhelming rejection of both physician-assisted suicide and a moral right to end life under extreme circumstances. Two-thirds (66%) of those who oppose abortion in all cases, or make exceptions only for rape, incest, or to save the woman’s life disapprove of legalizing physician-assisted suicide. That compares with 23% of those who believe abortion should be generally available or available under stricter limits. The gap is between these groups is nearly as large in opinions about whether people who are suffering great pain with no hope of improvement have a moral right to end their life.

Attitudes toward the death penalty bear less relationship to views about end-of-life issues. For example, just over half (53%) of death penalty supporters approve of legalizing physician-assisted suicide, compared with 40% of death penalty opponents. Differences on other questions are of similar magnitude.

Death penalty opponents and abortion opponents share common ground ­ and differ with those on the opposite side of both issues ­ in their personal views of when to halt end-of-life medical treatment. Both groups are fairly evenly divided over whether all medical steps should be taken to save their lives, or whether treatment should be halted. By contrast, solid majorities of those who support the death penalty, and those who believe abortion should be generally available, say they would want medical treatment halted if they had a disease with great pain and no hope of improvement.

Recent Experience with a Loved One’s Illness

Over the past five years, more than four-in-ten (42%) Americans have had a relative or close friend suffer from a terminal illness or a coma. For a majority of these people ­ 23% of the general public ­ the issue of withholding life-sustaining treatment for their relative or loved one arose. Both of these findings are on par with the results from a 1991 Kaiser Foundation/Harvard School of Public Health/Boston Globe survey.

Overall, 10% of the public has actually helped in making decisions about how much medical treatment should be given to a terminally ill or comatose friend or relative. Women over age 50 are more likely to report having made these important medical decisions than are people in other age groups; 15% of all women in this age group have made such a medical decision recently. College graduates (14%) and those with higher incomes (15% for those with family income of more than $75,000) are more likely than others to have made such medical decisions.

End-of-Life Planning

Older Americans are much more likely than younger people to have given considerable thought to their end-of-life treatment options. This is reflected as well in the age differences among those who have a living will. While over half of senior citizens (54%) say they have a living will ­ compared with just 25% in 1990 ­ far fewer people in other age groups have living wills.

There also are striking differences in the ways in which people who have recently experienced the terminal illness of a friend or relative ­ and those who have not ­ approach end- of-life issues. Generally, those who have faced such situations are much more likely to have thought about their own end of life treatment and planned accordingly.

And those who have taken on a more significant role on behalf of a gravely ill relative or friend ­ by helping decide on their medical treatment ­ are even more active in thinking about and planning for their own end-of-life treatment.

Fully 64% of those who have recently helped make decisions about the medical treatment of a terminally ill or comatose friend or relative say they have given a great deal of thought to their own preferences in such circumstances. That compares with 45% of those who have had a relative or close friend recently suffer from a terminal illness or coma, but did not participate in treatment decisions; and just 28% of those who have had no recent experience with the serious illness of a close friend or relative.

Similarly, nearly half of those who helped determine medical treatment of a gravely ill loved one (46%) have their own end-of-life wishes written down. That compares with about a third (32%) of those who have experienced the illness of a close friend or relative but did not take part in the decision making, and just 24% among those with no recent experience with a loved one facing death.

Talking About Treatment

Americans for the most part turn to family members when discussing their wishes for end-of-life medical treatment. Nearly four-in-ten (37%) say they have discussed these matters with their spouse, up from 30% in 1990. Among married people, 70% have talked with their spouse about their plans for medical treatment in such circumstances.

While fewer young people than older Americans have discussed their end of life treatment wishes with anyone, they are more likely than other age groups to talk with a parent ­ 30% have done so, the highest percentage in any age group. People ages 65 and older, by contrast, are much more likely than younger people to have discussed their end of life treatment plans with one of their children (40%).

Since 1990, there has been a sizable drop in the percentage of Americans who say, in an open-ended format, that they have discussed their wishes for end-of-life medical treatment with ‘no one.’ Just 19% say that currently, while another 10% say they have given no thought to their end-of-life treatment. That compares with 44% in 1990 who either had talked with no one, or had given no thought to their care.

Talking With Spouses and Parents

Roughly equal numbers of married men (70%) and women (69%) say that they have had a conversation with their spouse about their wishes for end-of-life treatment. But women are much more likely than men to have had a conversation with their mother about her treatment.

Nearly two-thirds of women (65%) say they have had a conversation with their mother about her end-of-life treatment wishes. Only about half of men (48%) have talked with their mothers about such issues. Far fewer women have talked with their fathers about their end-of-life medical decisions. And men are no more likely to have discussed these issues with their fathers than with their mothers (45% father/48% mother).

Views on Aging

A plurality of Americans view the prospect of having more free time as what they look forward to most about getting old, while health concerns are seen as the biggest negative. Among the positives, about a third (35%) say that not having to work or having more free time is what they look forward to most, while 19% mention being able to spend time with their children, grandchildren and other family. Smaller percentages say having good health and being active (10%), travel (4%), and being able to experience changes in the world (2%) are what they most look forward to about old age.

The public expresses a broader array of worries about getting old. Health concerns ­ including worries about cancer and other diseases, mental health, and insurance worries ­ are mentioned most frequently (39%). Roughly one-in-five (19%) worry most about not having enough money in old age and 8% voice concern about losing their ability to care for themselves and being a burden on others. These worries have changed only modestly over the past 15 years.

Nearly a third of those ages 65 and older (31%) say ‘nothing’ when asked what worries them most about getting old. Only about one-in-ten or fewer in other age categories express no worries about getting old. Health concerns are mentioned most frequently by people ages 50-64. Compared with other age groups, those ages 18-29 express a relatively high level of concern over dying. One-in-ten of those under 30 say that their biggest worry about getting old is dying; far fewer people in older age categories, especially those ages 65 and older (2%) express that concern.

Making the Century Mark

Roughly four-in-ten Americans (43%) say they would like to live to be 100 years old, while 47% say they would not like to live to be that old. These findings have not changed much since 1990, when 39% said they would like to live to be 100.

However, there has been an increase since 1990 in the percentages of African Americans, young people and women who say they would like to live to 100. Nearly two-thirds of blacks (65%) say they would like to live to see the century mark, up from 53% in 1990. That compares with just 39% of whites who want to live to 100.

More than half of those under age 30 (55%) say they would like to live to be 100, up from 44% in 1990. By comparison, just 36% of those ages 50 and older want to live that long. More women also express a desire to live to 100 than did so 15 years ago (39% vs. 31%); still, more men than women continue to say they want to live to 100. In addition, people who register the highest levels of personal happiness are more likely than those who are less happy with their lives to want to live to 100 (51% vs. 40%).

Abortion has dominated the early skirmishing over President Bush’s nomination of John Roberts to the Supreme Court. But the public takes a more expansive view of the court’s agenda. Indeed, about as many Americans rate the rights of detained terrorist suspects as a very important issue for the Supreme Court as say that about abortion.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, conducted before Roberts was nominated, finds that abortion is far more important to ideologically committed partisans at either end of the political spectrum than to moderates and independents. The general public also continues to express somewhat ambivalent views on abortion ­ in contrast to conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats.

A consistent majority of Americans (65%) are opposed to overturning the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision establishing a woman’s right to abortion. But most Americans also favor restrictions on abortion. Nearly three-quarters (73%) favor requiring women under age 18 to get parental consent before being allowed to get an abortion.

This ambivalence is reflected in opinions on the overall availability of abortion. About a third (35%) say abortion should be generally available, but 23% favor stricter limits on abortion and 31% favor making it illegal except in cases of rape, incest or to save a woman’s life. Only about one-in-ten (9%) say abortion should never be permitted. Moreover, while nearly six-in-ten (59%) think it would be a good thing to reduce the number of abortions in the U.S., one-third (33%) say they don’t feel this way.

The new study ­ based on separate surveys conducted July 13-17 among 1,502 adults, and July 7-17 among 2,000 adults ­ finds that the public’s views on social issues are complex, defying easy categorization. But religion plays a pivotal role in many of these issues, ranging from stem cell research to gay marriage.

The survey finds continuing strong public support for stem cell research. By nearly two-to-one (57%-30%), the public believes that it is more important to conduct stem cell research that may result in new medical cures than to not destroy the potential life of embryos involved in such research. Support for stem cell research has been growing among major religious groups ­ with the notable exception of white evangelical Protestants. Only about a third of white evangelicals (32%) support such research, compared with large majorities of seculars (77%), mainline Protestants (70%) and white Catholics (61%).

A clear majority of the public (68%) continues to support the death penalty for persons convicted or murder, but only 37% think the death penalty should be applied to people who committed capital offenses as minors. While members of the major religious traditions differ over the death penalty generally ­ with Protestants more supportive than Catholics ­ comparable majorities of religious groups oppose the use of the death penalty for minors convicted of murder.

The public remains divided over how far physicians should be allowed to go in ending the lives of terminally ill patients. About half (51%) favor letting doctors give such patients the means with which to end their lives, but there is less support for physicians being allowed to help dying patients commit suicide (44%).

And while a majority of Americans (53%) oppose allowing gays and lesbians to marry legally, support for gay marriage is at its highest point since July 2003. For the first time, a majority (53%) favors permitting gays and lesbians to enter into legal arrangements that would give them many of the same rights as married couples.

Varying Opinions on Life Issues

The general public takes varying, and at times contradictory, attitudes toward the issues that constitute the so-called “culture of life.” This also is the case for members of major religious traditions.

White evangelical Protestants overwhelmingly adopt a pro-life stance on abortion: 68% believe abortion should not be permitted at all, or should be allowed only in cases of rape, incest or to save the woman’s life. A smaller majority of white evangelicals (58%) oppose making it legal for doctors to give terminally ill patients the means to end their lives.

In the case of stem cell research, half of white evangelicals say it is more important to avoid destroying the potential life of human embryos than to conduct stem cell research that may lead to new medical cures. At the same time, white evangelicals strongly support the death penalty for those convicted of murder; just 15% oppose the death penalty.

White Catholics also have inconsistent attitudes on life issues. Roughly four-in-ten take a pro-life stance on abortion (43%) and in opposing physicians being permitted to help dying patients to end their lives (42%). Just three-in-ten white Catholics (29%) say it is more important to avoid destroying the potential life of human embryos in stem cell research than to conduct research that may result in new medical cures. And about the same number (27%) oppose the death penalty.

For their part, seculars overwhelmingly dissent from pro-life positions on abortion, stem cell research and end-of-life questions. More seculars than white evangelicals or mainline Protestants oppose the death penalty for convicted murderers; still, only about three-in-ten (29%) express this view.

Court Issues: Beyond Abortion

Among the possible issues facing the Supreme Court, abortion is viewed as very important by large numbers of liberal Democrats (80%) and conservative Republicans (73%). White evangelical Protestants also place great emphasis on this issue (75%).

For liberal Democrats, no other issue rivals abortion in importance. But conservatives and white evangelicals rate several issues highly. While three-quarters of white evangelicals view abortion as very important, nearly as many place great importance on court rulings on the rights of detained terrorist suspects (69%), and whether to permit religious displays on government property (68%).

Abortion is a major issue for those at either end of the political spectrum, but it also is viewed as very important by younger women. Roughly three-quarters (76%) of women under age 50 rate abortion as a very important issue for the court; far fewer males in that age group (58%) see abortion as a high priority. Women under age 50 also are far more likely than older women to attach great importance to possible court rulings on abortion.

Decades of Division

Through more than 30 years of attention to abortion in policy debates and Supreme Court nominations, public opinion on the issue has remained remarkably stable. This is the case with both views of the availability of abortion, and of the Roe v. Wade decision establishing women’s right to abortion. (For more on attitudes toward Roe v. Wade, see “Supreme Court’s Image Declines as Nomination Battle Looms,” June 15).

The overall pattern of opinion is similar on both issues. Members of both political parties are divided in views of the availability of abortion. Nearly two-thirds of liberal Democrats (64%) believe abortion should be generally available to those who want it. That compares with only about a third of moderate and conservative Democrats (34%).

About one-in-five conservative Republicans (22%) believe abortion should not be permitted at all; just 1% of moderate and liberal Republicans agree. And roughly twice as many conserva
tive Republicans as GOP liberals and moderates say abortion should be banned, or allowed only in cases of incest, rape or to protect the life of the woman (71% vs. 36%).

There also are wide differences among religious groups over this question. Most seculars (60%) believe abortion should be generally available, and a plurality of white mainline Protestants agree. About two-thirds of white evangelicals (68%) believe abortion should not be permitted or allowed only in cases of rape, incest or to save the woman’s life. White Catholics are deeply divided over abortion, with about three-in-ten (31%) it should be generally available, and 43% saying it should be banned or only legal in cases of rape, incest or to save the life of the mother.

A plurality of college graduates (46%) say abortion should be generally available, while just 29% of those with a high school education express that view. But there are no significant gender differences in these opinions. And while women under age 50 are much more likely than men in that age group to view abortion as a very important issue for the Supreme Court, they hold similar views concerning the availability of abortion.

Morality of Abortion

The public also is deeply split over the moral implications of abortion. A plurality (41%) thinks abortion is wrong in some circumstances; 29% feel abortion is morally wrong in nearly all circumstances; and about a quarter (26%) believe that abortion is not a moral issue.

A large majority (60%) of those who believe that abortion is morally wrong in nearly all circumstances support overturning the Roe v. Wade decision.

In contrast, 91% those who believe abortion is not a moral issue overwhelmingly favor continued access to abortion.

Those with mixed views on the morality of abortion strongly oppose overturning Roe v. Wade. But many with this opinion favor stricter limits on abortion, with roughly a third (35%) saying abortion should be against the law except in cases of rape, incest, and to save the woman’s life.

Reduce Number of Abortions

Regardless of their views on the legality of abortion, most Americans (59%) believe it would be a good thing to reduce the number of abortions. However, a sizable minority (33%) disagrees.

Nearly three-quarters of Republicans (72%) say it would be good to reduce the number of abortions, compared with smaller majorities of independents (55%) and Democrats (51%). Those who are married are much more likely than unmarried people to say it would be a good thing to reduce the number of abortions (by 66%-50%). And a narrow majority of seculars (51%) feel it would not be a good thing to decrease the number of abortions.

Broad Support for Parental Consent

As has been the case for more than a decade, most of the public favors requiring women under age 18 to obtain the consent of at least one parent before being allowed to get an abortion. Nearly three-quarters of Americans (73%) support such a requirement, while just 22% are opposed. Like other opinions on abortion, views on this issue have changed little over the years ­ in 1992, an identical percentage favored requiring young women to obtain parental consent before being permitted to get an abortion.

Large majorities in all major religious groups ­ and fully two-thirds of seculars (67%) ­ believe that women under 18 should receive parental consent before being able to obtain an abortion. However, liberal Democrats are divided on this issue; 50% favor requiring young women to get the consent of at least one parent before getting an abortion, but 44% are opposed. By contrast, there is strong sentiment in favor of requiring parental consent among moderate and conservative Democrats (72%), and overwhelming support among conservative Republicans (94%) and moderate and liberal Republicans (81%).

Access to “Morning After” Pill

There is less public agreement on allowing women to obtain the so-called “morning after pill” without a doctor’s prescription. Anti-abortion groups argue that the morning after pill induces an abortion because the drug can cause the body to reject a newly fertilized egg; supporters of abortion rights say the pill constitutes emergency contraception.

Most Americans (52%) favor allowing women to get the morning after pill without a doctor’s prescription, while 37% are opposed. Groups that are most supportive of keeping abortion generally available ­ seculars and liberal Democrats ­ also strongly favor allowing easier access to the morning after pill (77% of seculars, 72% of liberal Democrats).

Similarly, the same groups that strongly oppose abortion ­ conservative Republicans and white evangelical Protestants ­ also oppose making it easier for women to get the morning after pill (58% of conservative Republicans, 52% of white evangelicals). There also is a modest gender divide in views of the morning after pill, with men somewhat more supportive than women of allowing greater access to this drug (56% of men vs. 48% of women).

No Conflict Between Abstinence, Birth Control

Debates over sex education in schools often pit abstinence instruction against providing students information on birth control methods. But the public sees no conflict in pursuing both of these approaches: 78% favor allowing public schools to provide students with birth control information; nearly as many (76%) believe schools should teach teenagers to abstain from sex until marriage.

Solid majorities in every major religious group say schools should be allowed to provide students with information on birth control methods. But a sizable minority of white evangelical Protestants (30%) are opposed.

White evangelicals also are among the most supportive of having public schools teach teenagers to abstain from sex until marriage. Seculars express the greatest reservations to schools promoting abstinence; 62% support that approach, while roughly a third (34%) are opposed.

The youngest Americans ­ those ages 18-24 ­ are highly supportive of schools both promoting abstinence and providing information about birth control. Roughly eight-in-ten (83%) favor schools providing birth control information, while 75% think schools should teach teenagers to abstain from sex until marriage.

Most Favor Stem Cell Research

Public awareness of, and support for, stem cell research appears to be leveling off, after showing significant gains from 2002 to 2004. Currently, 48% say they have heard a lot about the issue, which is little changed since last December (47%).

More Americans continue to say it is more important to conduct stem cell research that might result in new medical cures than to avoid destroying the potential life of human embryos involved in such research (by 57% to 30%). That is about the same level of support for stem cell research as last December, but up modestly since August 2004 (52%). Three years ago, in March 2002, just 43% supported stem cell research.

As in the past, greater awareness of the stem cell debate is associated with support for stem cell research.

Roughly two-thirds of those who have heard a lot about the issue (68%) believe it is more important to conduct stem cell research than to not destroy the potential life of embryos.

That compares with 49% of those who have heard a little about the issue, and just a third of those who are unfamiliar with the debate over stem cell research.

Where Support Has Grown

Three years ago, Americans were only dimly aware of ­ and fairly evenly divided over ­ stem cell research. Since then, support for this research has grown among most demographic and political groups. The shift has been most striking among middle-aged Americans (ages 50-64), high school graduates, mainline Protestants and white Catholics, and liberal Democrats. There are some exceptions to this pattern, however. Just a third of conservative Republicans say it is more important to conduct stem cell research, virtually the same percentage as in March 2002 (32%).

Over the same period, moderate and liberal Republicans have become more supportive of stem cell research; as a result, the gap between conservative Republicans and GOP moderates and liberals has grown from 16 points to 29 points. White evangelical Protestants also remain opposed to stem cell research. About a third (32%) favor such research today, while 50% are opposed. Three years ago, 26% of evangelicals backed stem cell research.

What Shapes Stem Cell Views?

Supporters and opponents of stem cell research draw on very different sources when thinking about the issue. Roughly half (52%) of opponents say their religious beliefs are the biggest influence on their thinking, while 13% cite what they have seen or read in the media and 12% mention their education.

Conservative Republican opponents are especially likely (70%) to cite religion as their main influence, as are evangelical Protestant opponents (69%).

Among supporters, 31% say the biggest influence on their thinking is the media, and 28% mention their education. Just 7% say religion is the most important influence. College graduates (44%) who favor the research are particularly likely to name education as their primary influence, as are pro-research liberal Democrats (43%).

Physician-Assisted Suicide

A narrow majority of Americans (51%) favor making it legal for doctors to give terminally ill patients the means to end their lives. As in past Pew surveys, there is less support (44%) for physicians actually aiding such patients in committing suicide. Attitudes on these end-of-life issues have changed very little since July 2003.

There continue to be clear differences among major religious groups in views of how far physicians should be permitted to go in assisting terminally ill patients to end their lives. Majorities of seculars and white mainline Protestants favor allowing physicians to give the terminally ill the means to end their lives, and to assist such patients in committing suicide. White Catholics are divided over these issues, while white evangelical Protestants are widely opposed to doctors taking any measures to help terminally ill patients to end their lives.

Men also are more supportive than women of allowing physicians to end the lives of their terminally ill patients. A majority of men (55%) favor making it legal for doctors to give such patients the means to end their lives; 47% of women agree. There is a comparable gender gap in views of physician-assisted suicide.

Looking Back at Schiavo Case

Four months after Congress passed legislation transferring jurisdiction in the Terri Schiavo case to the federal courts, the overwhelming majority of Americans (74%) indicate that Congress should not have involved itself in the matter. White evangelical Protestants are more supportive of Congress’s actions than are members of other religious groups, conservatives are more supportive than moderates and liberals, and Republicans are more supportive than Democrats and independents. But even among these groups, large majorities (69% of white evangelicals, 68% of conservatives and 65% of Republicans) believe that Congress should have stayed out of the case.

Death Penalty, But Not for Minors

Roughly two-thirds of Americans (68%) support the death penalty for people convicted of murder, up slightly from two years ago (64%). However, public support for the death penalty was greater in the late 1990s (74% in 1999).

But most Americans continue to oppose the death penalty for minors. By 54%-37%, the public opposes the death penalty for those who have been convicted of murder when they are under age 18. Earlier this year, the Supreme Court abolished the death penalty in such cases, citing a “national consensus” on the issue.

The pattern of opinion on applying the death penalty to minors is quite different than for the death penalty generally. For instance, there are only modest gender differences, at most, in support for the death penalty (70% of men, 66% of women). But there is a sizable gender gap in attitudes toward the death penalty for those convicted of murder who are under age 18; 47% of men support the death penalty for minors, compared with only about a quarter of women (27%).

And while there are significant differences among religious groups in views of the overall application of the death penalty, there is striking agreement in opinions on the death penalty for those under age 18. Only about four-in-ten white evangelicals, mainline Protestants, white Catholics and seculars favor the death penalty under these circumstances.

Modest Increase in Gay Marriage Support

Public support for allowing gays and lesbians to marry legally has rebounded a bit after declining between 2003 and 2004. Today, 36% of Americans favor allowing gays and lesbians to marry, up from 32% in December 2004. The percentage favoring gay civil unions has risen as well. Currently, 53% favor allowing gays and lesbians to enter into legal arrangements providing them with many of the same rights as married couples; that compares with 48% last August.

Support for gay marriage and gay civil unions has increased slightly among most religious groups. However, support for civil unions has increased significantly among white evangelical Protestants, from 26% in December 2004 to 35% today. This increase, however, is concentrated primarily among low-commitment evangelicals, a majority of whom now support civil unions.

There remain substantial divisions in views of gay marriage and civil unions across political groups. Nearly seven-in-ten liberals support gay marriage and eight-in-ten support civil unions, up from 59% and 70%, respectively in 2004. Among conservatives, however, support for gay marriage stands at 14%, and support for civil unions has actually declined slightly (from 35% in 2004 to 31% today).

Similarly, Democrats and independents are more supportive of gay marriage and civil unions today than they were a year ago, and remain much more supportive of both proposals than are Republicans.

In line with these findings, there has also been a slight decline (from 35% in August 2004 to 29% today) in the number of Americans expressing support for a constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage.

Americans, by a wide six to one majority, support the right of patients to make their own decisions about receiving life-sustaining treatment. The public also overwhelmingly thinks that close family members should be allowed to make decisions about life-sustaining medical treatment, if the patient is unable to make his or her own wishes known. All segments of the public, including members of all major religious groups, support right-to-die policies. This support stems from the widely-held belief that physicians should sometimes allow a patient to die, rather than use the full range of medical procedures and treatments available.