That represented a change from earlier in the 2000s and the 1990s, when more Americans supported churches and other houses of worship speaking out on political matters. However, opinions in 201o were nearly identical to those in a 1968 Gallup survey, when 53% said churches should keep out of political matters.

While support for churches’ involvement in politics has fluctuated, there has been consistent agreement over the years that houses of worship should not directly endorse political candidates. In 2010, 70% said churches and other houses of worship should not come out in favor of one candidate over another; just 24% say they should. These opinions have changed little over the past decade.

The public has been divided over the amount of expressions of religious faith by politicians: in 2010, 37% said there had been too little expression of religious faith by political leaders while 29% said there had been too much, and 24% said political leaders expressed religious faith the right amount. These opinions also had shown relatively little change from previous Pew Research Center religion and politics surveys.

More Oppose Churches Expressing Political Views

From 2004 to 2008, there was a sharp increase in the percentage of Americans saying that churches and other houses of worship should keep out of political matters. Notably, much of this change came among conservatives. (See “More Americans Question Religion’s Role in Politics,” Aug. 21, 2008.)

In 2004, just 30% of conservative Republicans said houses of worship should keep out of political matters. But in 2008, 48% of conservative Republicans expressed this view; that percentage fell to 40% in 2010.

Democrats’ opinions about the role of churches in politics changed less during this period. In 2010, 56% said they should keep out of political matters, which was comparable to opinions in 2008 (52%) and 2004 (51%).

White evangelical Protestants are more supportive of an active political role for churches and other houses of worship than are members of most other religious groups. In 2010, 39% of white evangelicals said churches should stay out of political matters; that compared with 60% of white mainline Protestants and 56% of white Catholics. Still, the percentage of white evangelicals saying houses of worship should stay out of political matters increased from 28% in 2004 to 39% in 2010.

Church Endorsements, Politicians’ Expressions of Faith

The public has consistently opposed churches making political endorsements: In 2010, 70% said that during elections churches and other houses of worship should not come out in favor of one candidate over another. Just 24% said houses of worship should endorse candidates. These opinions are little changed since 2004.

The percentage of Republicans supporting endorsements by churches has declined – from 39% in 2004 to 28% in 2010. Opinions among Democrats and independents have shown less change. In 2010, 21% of Democrats and 24% of independents favored churches endorsing candidates.

In 2010, more Americans said political leaders express religious faith too little (37%) rather than too much (29%); 24% said there had been the right amount of expression of religious faith by political leaders.

Republicans have long been more likely than Democrats to say there is too little expression of religious faith by political leaders. But both parties are divided over this issue.

Fully 60% of conservative Republicans said there was too little expression of religious faith by political leaders; just 25% of moderate and liberal Republicans agree. Among Democrats, 47% of liberals said politicians mentioned religious faith too much, compared with just 26% of the party’s conservatives and moderates.

Among religious groups, a majority of white evangelical Protestants (56%) – and about the same percentage of black Protestants (51%) – said there was too little expression of religious faith by political leaders. Other religious groups are more divided. Among the religiously unaffiliated, 53% said there has been too much expression of faith by political leaders.

Parties’ Friendliness to Religion

Since 2003, the GOP has consistently been viewed as more friendly to religion than the Democratic Party. In November 2011, 43% of Americans said the Republican Party was friendly to religion, while 30% said the Democratic Party was friendly to religion.

But the percentages saying each party is friendly to religion have declined in recent years. Last November, 43% said the Republican Party was friendly to religion, 26% said the GOP was neutral toward religion, while 19% said it was unfriendly. From 2003-2008, about 50% viewed the GOP as friendly to religion.

Opinions about whether the Democratic Party is friendly to religion have fluctuated in recent years. In the 2010 survey, 30% said the Democratic Party was friendly to religion. A plurality (40%) said the Democratic Party was neutral to religion, and 20% viewed it as unfriendly Fewer said the party was friendly to religion than did so in 2008 (38%) or 2003 (42%). (For more, see “Romney’s Mormon Faith Likely a Factor in Primaries, Not in a General Election,” Nov. 23, 2011.)

Overall, being a Mormon is hardly an asset for presidential candidates, but it is not a deal-breaker for most Americans. A quarter of Americans say they would be less likely to support a presidential candidate who is Mormon, while 68 percent say it would not make a difference. For perspective, about the same number say they would be less likely to vote for a candidate who has used marijuana in the past.

But an important group within the Republican base, white evangelical Protestants, is more uncomfortable with the idea of a Mormon candidate than are other Republicans. Among all Republicans and Republican-leaning independents, 31 percent of white evangelicals say they would be less likely to vote for a Mormon; that compares with 15 percent of other Republicans, according to a May survey. This gap is as large as it was four years ago.

At that time, our polling found that white evangelical Protestants were more likely than non-evangelical white Protestants to view the Mormon religion as very different from their own. And just 40 percent of all white evangelicals viewed Mormons as Christians; far more non-evangelical white Protestants and Catholics said that Mormons were Christians.

These findings have potentially troubling implications for Jon Huntsman and Mitt Romney, particularly when one considers the G.O.P. primary landscape. Exit polls from 2008 show that 60 percent of those who voted in the G.O.P. Iowa caucuses, and an identical percentage of Republican voters in the South Carolina primary, were evangelicals.

The public remains divided over whether Islam is more likely than other religions to encourage violence among its believers. Currently, 40% say the Islamic religion is more likely than others to encourage violence while 42% say it is not.

These opinions have changed little in recent years. But in March 2002, just 25% saw Islam as more likely to encourage violence while twice as many (51%) disagreed.

The national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Feb. 22-March 1 among 1,504 adults, finds that most young people reject the idea that Islam is more likely than other religions to promote violence. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) of those younger than 30 say Islam does not encourage violence more than other religions; 31% say it does. By contrast, a plurality of those 50 and older (45%) say Islam is more likely to encourage violence.

Political and ideological divisions are even wider: By roughly three-to-one (66% to 21%), conservative Republicans say Islam encourages violence more than other religions. Moderate and liberal Republicans are divided – 46% say Islam is more likely to encourage violence, 47% say it is not.

By more than two-to-one (61% to 29%), liberal Democrats say that Islam is not more likely than other religions to promote violence. Conservative and moderate Democrats, by a smaller margin (48% to 31%), agree.

Fully 67% of those who agree with the Tea Party movement say Islam is more associated with violence than other religions. Among those who disagree with the Tea Party, the balance of opinion is nearly reversed – 62% say Islam is no more likely than other religions to promote violence while 24% say it is. Among the large share of the public that offers no opinion of the Tea Party, 38% say Islam is more likely to promote violence while about the same number (41%) disagrees.

A clear majority of white evangelical Protestants (60%) say that Islam is more likely to encourage violence than are other religions. Far fewer white mainline Protestants (42%) and white Catholics (39%) express this view. And by nearly two-to-one (56% to 30%), the religiously unaffiliated say that the Islamic religion does not encourage violence more than others.

Many Americans continue to say their religious beliefs have been highly influential in shaping their views about social issues, including abortion and same-sex marriage. But far fewer cite religion as a top influence on their opinions about several other social and political issues, including how the government should deal with immigration, the environment and poverty.

Despite the fact that many religious leaders have been outspoken advocates for immigration reform, just 7% of adults who take a position on immigration say that religion is the most important influence on their views on this issue. About one-in-four churchgoers (24%) say the clergy at their places of worship have spoken out about immigration, nearly the same as in 2006. About half of those who hear about immigration in church say their clergy are favorable to immigrants and immigration, but nearly one-quarter are hearing anti-immigration messages.

In contrast with the issue of immigration, 35% say religion is the top influence on their thinking about same-sex marriage, including fully 60% among those who oppose allowing gays and lesbians to marry legally. More than four-in-ten (44%) hear clergy speak out about homosexuality in church, with the overwhelming majority hearing negative messages about homosexuality. On the issue of abortion, 26% overall say religion is the most important influence on their opinion, including 45% among abortion opponents.

The death penalty is another issue on which a substantial number of Americans cite religion as a key influence. Nearly one-in-five (19%) say religion is the most important factor in their thinking, including about one-third (32%) among death penalty opponents. Just 13% of death penalty supporters say religion is the key influence on their opinion.

The vast majority of regular churchgoers (88%) say they hear about the issue of hunger and poverty from their clergy, but just 10% cite religion as the top influence on their opinions about government’s role in providing assistance to the poor. Nearly half (47%) say their clergy speak out on the environment, almost always to encourage environmental protection. But just 6% say their own views on the environment are shaped primarily by their religious beliefs.

These are among the key findings of a survey exploring religion’s connection with opinions about current social and political issues. The survey was conducted July 21-Aug. 5 by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life. It interviewed 3,003 respondents reached on landlines and cell phones in both English and Spanish.

For most voters, the economy and jobs outpace all other issues in the election this fall, and religious voters are no exception. As previously reported (see “Republicans Faring Better with Men, Whites, Independents and Seniors,” Aug. 10, 2010), nine-in-ten voters (90%) rate the economy as very important, and 88% do so for jobs; the numbers are nearly identical among all major religious groups, including people who are unaffiliated with a religion. Health care also rates near the top, with 78% saying it will be very important. Terrorism, the budget deficit and taxes are also seen as important, especially by white evangelicals and black Protestants.

In contrast, hot-button social and cultural issues fall at or near the bottom of the list, even for relatively conservative religious groups such as white evangelical Protestants. Though both issues are among the least important for evangelicals, abortion (61% very important) and same-sex marriage (46%) are more important to evangelicals than to other religious groups. About four-in-ten voters (43%) overall rate abortion as very important and about one-third (32%) say this about same-sex marriage.

White evangelicals also stand out for the relatively high importance they place on immigration: 67% say immigration is a very important issue, compared with 60% among Catholics, 56% among white mainline Protestants, 50% among the unaffiliated and 48% among black Protestants.

Immigration

A plurality of Americans (42%) favor immigration policy that gives equal priority both to better border security and stronger enforcement of immigration laws as well as to creating a way for illegal immigrants to become citizens (a so-called path to citizenship). One-third (33%) believe the priority should be on better border security and greater enforce-ment, while slightly more than one-in-five (22%) consider offering a path to citizenship the top priority.

Support for placing a priority on strict enforcement of current immigration laws is higher among whites (37%) than blacks (26%) and stands at roughly one-in-ten (11%) among Hispanics. A similar divide is seen among religious groups: Relatively few Hispanic Catholics would make better border security the top priority (8%). Support for doing so is much higher among white Catholics (37%), evangelicals (42%) and mainline Protestants (40%).

While nearly half (47%) of Republicans prioritize better border protection, just 21% of Democrats do. There is also a large divide between those whose house of worship includes many immigrants and those whose house of worship is comprised of fewer immigrants. Among those who attend congregations where many or nearly all members are immigrants, 22% favor better border protection, while support stands at nearly four-in-ten among those with fewer immigrants at their house of worship (37%).

Few Americans (7%) consider religion the most important influence on their opinions about immigration policy. Larger numbers cite a personal experience (27%), their education (20%) or something they have seen or read in the media (21%). Those who cite religion as the most important influence are somewhat less likely than other respondents to place priority on enhanced immigration enforcement.

The subject of immigration does come up during religious services. About one-quarter (24%) of those who attend religious services at least once a month say their clergy have spoken out about the issue. Catholics (32%) are more likely than Protestants (20%) to say their clergy speak out about the issue. Among those who attend religious services at least once or twice a month, nearly four-in-ten of those whose house of worship includes many immigrants (38%) and nearly one-third (32%) of those who place a priority on creating a path to citizenship for illegal immigrants have heard their clergy speak out on the issue.

Respondents who say they have heard about immigration in their house of worship were asked to describe what kinds of things they have heard from their clergy. Nearly half (49%) say their clergy were generally favorable toward immigration and immigrants, with 24% specifically urging tolerance or a welcoming attitude toward strangers. About one-quarter (23%) characterize the messages from their clergy as generally negative about immigration, with equal numbers saying they have heard their clergy appeal for strict enforcement of the law (7%), contend that immigrants are a burden because they unfairly take jobs and government services (7%), or make general anti-immigrant remarks (7%).

Roughly half of the public (49%) sees immigrants as strengthening society while 38% say immigrants threaten traditional American customs and values. Attitudes on this question are somewhat more favorable toward immigrants than in mid-June, when 44% saw them as a positive influence and the same number said that immigrants threaten American customs and values.

The public is more evenly divided on immigrants’ contribution to the economy: 42% believe that immigrants strengthen the country with their hard work and talents, while 45% believe they are a burden because they take jobs, housing and health care.

Democrats, younger Americans, Hispanic Catholics and the religiously unaffiliated are more likely than other groups to express positive views of immigrants on both of these questions; white evangelicals are among those expressing the least favorable views of immigrants, with 27% saying immigrants strengthen the country with their hard work and talents and 36% saying they strengthen society rather than threaten traditional customs and values.

Roughly half of those whose clergy speak out about immigration say immigrants strengthen the country with their hard work and talents, compared with 38% among regular worship attenders whose clergy do not speak about immigration. There is very little difference between these two groups on the question of immigrants’ impact on American customs and values. Those who report that many or most members of their congregation are immigrants are far more favorable toward immigrants than those whose house of worship is comprised of fewer immigrants.

Environment

By a wide margin, Americans favor tougher laws and regulations to protect the environment. Eight-in-ten (81%) favor greater protections, while just 14% oppose them. Similar questions from past Pew Research polls show comparable levels of support for environmental protection; however, fewer people prioritize environmental protection over keeping energy prices low (See Public Remains of Two Minds on Energy Policy, June 14, 2010).

While an overwhelming majority favors tougher environmental protections, the subject of the environment is only a mid-tier issue for voters in the fall Congressional elections. Roughly six-in-ten voters (57%) cite the environment as very important, far behind the economy (90% cite it as very important) or jobs (88%), but higher than social issues such as abortion (43%) or same-sex marriage (32%).

For many policy issues, political or religious affiliations reveal sizeable gaps in support, but on the general question of stronger environmental protection these differences are relatively modest. Fewer Republicans favor tougher environmental laws and regulations than either Democrats (88%) or independents (80%), but even among Republicans, 73% support stronger safeguards for the environment.

There is only a modest religious element in attitudes about environmental protection. Solid majorities of all major religious traditions favor stronger laws and regulation, including 73% of white evangelical Protestants, 79% of black Protestants, 85% of Catholics and 84% of the unaffiliated.

Religion has far less influence on opinions about environmental policy than other factors do. Just 6% say that their religious beliefs have had the biggest influence on what they think about tougher environmental rules. Education and what people hear or read in the media are the strongest drivers of opinions about environmental regulations; roughly three-in-ten cite their education (29%), and 26% mention the media as having the most influence on their thinking about this issue.

While few describe religion’s influence as most important in shaping their thinking on environmental protection, some variation exists among religious groups. White evangelical Protestants, black Protestants and Hispanic Catholics are more likely than white mainline Protestants and white Catholics to cite religion’s influence as most important to their views on the environment.

Although religion is generally not a key influence on people’s opinions about the environment, many churchgoers report that clergy at their place of worship discuss the topic. Just under half (47%) of those who attend worship services regularly say that their clergy speak out on the environment. More black Protestants (59%) than other religious groups report hearing about the environment from their clergy. The majority of white Catholics (64%), white evangelical Protestants (59%) and white mainline Protestants (51%) in the survey say that the environment is not discussed at their place of worship.

Those hearing about the environment in church report hearing a variety of mostly pro-environment messages. Roughly three-in-ten (29%) are encouraged to “protect it” or “clean it up,” while 11% say their clergy encourage conservation. One-in-five (20%) report warnings and discussion about environmental damage, including the recent oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico (6%). For 10% of those who hear about the environment, the messages include explicit religious language and themes promoting stewardship of the earth or care for God’s creation.

Homosexuality and Abortion

In contrast with many other social and political issues, religion is clearly an important influence on public opinion about same-sex marriage and abortion. Significant numbers of Americans report that religion is the most important factor in their thinking about these topics, and sizeable numbers of churchgoers hear about them from their clergy.

On the issue of abortion, half of Americans (50%) say abortion should be legal in all (17%) or most (33%) cases while fewer, 44%, say it should be illegal in all (17%) or most (27%) cases. Support for legal abortion has edged upward since last 2009, when 47% said it should be legal in all or most cases.

Almost six-in-ten Democrats (59%) and 53% of independents say abortion should be legal in all or most cases, while 59% of Republicans take the opposite view, saying it should be illegal in all or most cases. Religious groups also vary significantly in the extent to which they support legal abortion. Almost seven-in-ten (69%) of the religiously unaffiliated (including 85% of atheists and agnostics) say abortion should be legal, as do 60% of white mainline Protestants and 50% of white Catholics. By contrast, just 41% of black Protestants and 32% of white evangelical Protestants say abortion should be legal in most or all cases.

Roughly a quarter (26%) of those with an opinion on abortion say religion is the most important influence on their views about the issue. A similar number cite their education (23%), while fewer say that a personal experience (17%) was most important in determining their views on abortion.

Fully 45% of those who say abortion should be illegal in all or most cases cite religious beliefs as the top influence on their views, compared with just 9% of those who say abortion should be legal. Among religious groups, just over half of white evangelical Protestants (53%) say religion has the biggest influence on their views of abortion, while a third of black Protestants (33%), roughly a quarter of Catholics (23%) and 17% of white mainline Protestants say the same.

Almost six-in-ten regular churchgoers (59%) say their clergy speak out on the issue of abortion, higher than for any other issue in the survey except hunger and poverty (88%). Despite divided opinions on abortion among Catholics as a whole, seven-in-ten Catholics (70%) who attend church at least once a month report that their clergy speak out on the issue of abortion. Similarly, 65% of white evangelical Protestants and 55% of black Protestants who attend services at least once a month report that their clergy talk about abortion, while fewer mainline Protestants (39%) say this.

Among those who attend religious services at least once a month and say abortion should be illegal in most or all cases, two-thirds (66%) report having heard about the issue from their clergy. Among regular worship attenders who think abortion should be legal in most or all cases, fewer (50%) report having heard about this issue from their clergy. Half of those who say their clergy speak out on abortion cite religion as the most important influence on their views on abortion, compared with 29% of those who do not hear from their clergy about the issue.

On the issue of same-sex marriage, about four-in-ten Americans (41%) say they favor allowing gays and lesbians to marry legally while 48% are opposed. A slight majority of Democrats (52%) favor same-sex marriage, while independents are evenly split (44% favor, 45% oppose) and two-thirds (67%) of Republicans are opposed. Democrats are divided sharply along racial lines; 63% of white Democrats favor same-sex marriage, compared with just 27% of black Democrats and 46% of Hispanic Democrats.

Stark differences in opinion exist across religious groups. Roughly six-in-ten of the religiously unaffiliated (61%) favor same-sex marriage, including fully 78% of atheists and agnostics and 54% of those who say their religion is “nothing in particular.” Slightly fewer than half of white mainline Protestants (48%) and white Catholics (49%) favor same-sex marriage. By contrast, just 22% of white evangelical Protestants favor allowing gays and lesbians to marry, along with 26% of black Protestants. Roughly one-quarter (24%) those who attend worship services at least once a week favor same-sex marriage, but that rises to 49% among those who attend monthly or yearly and 57% among those who attend seldom or never.

More than a third of those who hold an opinion on same-sex marriage say that their religious beliefs are the biggest influence on their views (35%); roughly half as many say a personal experience plays the greatest role in their views (17%) and about one-in-ten cite their education (13%) or views of friends and family (10%).

Support for same-sex marriage is closely tied to what respondents report as the most important influence on their views. Among those who say religious beliefs are the most important influence on their opinion on same-sex marriage, a scant 6% favor allowing gays and lesbians to marry, but among those who cite some other influence (including education, views of friends and family, or a personal experience), two-thirds (66%) are in favor.

Religion is more commonly cited as the top influence on opinion by people in certain religious groups, including 62% of white evangelical Protestants and 46% of black Protestants. Fewer white mainline Protestants (30%) and white Catholics (27%) name religion as a key factor.

More than four-in-ten regular churchgoers (44%) report hearing their clergy speak about laws regarding homosexuality. About half of white evangelical Protestants (52%) and black Protestants (54%) say they hear about this subject from their clergy, while only a third of white mainline Protestants (34%) and Catholics (33%) say their clergy speak about homosexuality.

Of those who report hearing about homosexuality, roughly seven-in-ten (72%) report that their clergy say it should be discouraged, while just 8% say it should be accepted.

Religion also appears to shape public attitudes on another issue related to homosexuality: whether or not to allow gays and lesbians to serve openly in the military. By a two-to-one margin, most Americans support allowing gays and lesbians to serve openly in the military (60% favor vs. 30% oppose). The level of support has been consistent in recent years. Majorities of Democrats (67%) and independents (64%) favor allowing gays and lesbians to serve in the military, while Republicans are more divided (47% favor and 43% oppose).

Large majorities of white mainline Protestants (68%), white Catholics (71%), Hispanic Catholics (60%) and
the religiously unaffiliated (66%) favor allowing gays and lesbians to serve openly in the military, while support is lower among white evangelical Protestants (43%) and black Protestants (46%). Even among the least supportive religious groups, though, less than half oppose allowing gays and lesbians to serve in the military.

Death Penalty

Americans continue to express support for the death penalty for persons convicted of murder. Currently 62% favor the death penalty, while 30% oppose it. This is nearly identical to the level of support in 2007 but somewhat lower than earlier in the 2000s and especially the 1990s. In 1996, 78% favored the death penalty and just 18% were opposed.

Support for the death penalty is lower among Democrats than independents or Republicans, but even among Democrats, half (50%) are in favor of it.

There are relatively modest differences in support across religious groups, with majorities of white evangelicals (74%), white mainline Protestants (71%) and white Catholics (68%) favoring capital punishment. But less than half of black Protestants (37%) and Hispanic Catholics (43%) favor the death penalty.

About one-in-five Americans with an opinion about the death penalty (19%) say that religion is the most important influence on their thinking about the issue. A comparable number (22%) cite their education as most important. Slightly fewer cite the media or personal experience (15% each). Just 7% say the views of friends or family are the most important influence.

Death penalty opponents are more apt to cite religion as the top influence on their views than are death penalty supporters. About one-third of those who oppose capital punishment (32%) cite religion, compared with 13% among those who favor it. Black Protestants (35% cite religion) and white evangelicals (31%) were the religious groups most apt to cite religion’s influence. Fewer white mainline Protestants (14%) and Catholics (17%) do so, though among opponents of the death penalty, 31% of Catholics cite religion as the top influence.

Most regular churchgoers do not report hearing about the death penalty from their clergy; just 24% say that their clergy speak out about the issue. Among Catholics, roughly one-third of regular churchgoers (32%) say they hear about the death penalty from their clergy. Despite their own low levels of support for the death penalty, black Protestants are no more likely than the average churchgoer to report that their clergy speak out on the issue.

Government Assistance to the Poor

By a margin of about two-to-one, Americans support providing more generous government assistance to the poor. In the current survey, 63% favor more generous aid to the poor while 31% are opposed; this marks a slight decline in support from July 2005, when 69% favored more generous assistance to the poor and a quarter (25%) were opposed.

There are sharp partisan differences in opinion on increased government aid to the poor. A large majority of Democrats (80%) favor more government aid to the needy, while just 16% oppose increased aid. By contrast, half of Republicans (50%) are against increasing aid to the poor, while 43% favor such a measure. Independents, on balance, favor increased assistance to the poor by a 60%-34% margin.

Majorities of all major religious groups favor more government assistance to the poor, and support is especially high among black Protestants and Hispanic Catholics. Overall, 62% of Protestants favor more generous government aid to the poor; this includes 54% of white evangelicals, 57% of white mainline Protestants and 81% of black Protestants. Similarly, most white Catholics (58%) favor more government assistance to the needy and support is even higher among Hispanic Catholics (77% favor).

Just one-in-ten (10%) of those with an opinion on government assistance to the poor say their religious beliefs are the most important influence on their views of the issue. More cite a personal experience (35%) or their education (20%) as having the biggest influence on their views. Those who favor increased aid are more likely than those who are opposed to cite religion as the main influence on their views (12% vs. 4%).

While religion plays a relatively minor role in shaping views of government assistance to the poor, most regular churchgoers say they hear about the issue of hunger and poverty at their place of worship. Overall, 88% of those who attend services at least once or twice a month say their clergy speak out on the issue. There is very little variance on this question across religious groups. A somewhat higher number of those who favor additional assistance to the poor have heard about their clergy’s views on the issue (90%) than those who oppose additional government assistance to the poor (86%).

Clergy Discussion of Iraq and Afghanistan, Candidates and Elections

Roughly half of regular worship attenders (51%) say the clergy at their congregation speaks out about the wars in Iraq or Afghanistan. Nearly two-thirds of black Protestants (63%) have heard their clergy discuss Iraq or Afghanistan, compared with 50% of white evangelical Protestants and 46% among both white mainline Protestants and white Catholics. Roughly one-quarter of religious service attenders (24%) say their clergy speak out about candidates and elections. Fully half of black Protestants say clergy at their congregation discuss candidates and elections, much higher than the one-quarter (25%) of white evangelical Protestants, 15% of white Catholics and 13% of white mainline Protestants who say the same.

A substantial and growing number of Americans say that Barack Obama is a Muslim, while the proportion saying he is a Christian has declined. More than a year and a half into his presidency, a plurality of the public says they do not know what religion Obama follows.

A new national survey by the Pew Research Center finds that nearly one-in-five Americans (18%) now say Obama is a Muslim, up from 11% in March 2009. Only about one-third of adults (34%) say Obama is a Christian, down sharply from 48% in 2009. Fully 43% say they do not know what Obama’s religion is. The survey was completed in early August, before Obama’s recent comments about the proposed construction of a mosque near the site of the former World Trade Center.

The view that Obama is a Muslim is more widespread among his political opponents than among his backers. Roughly a third of conservative Republicans (34%) say Obama is a Muslim, as do 30% of those who disapprove of Obama’s job performance. But even among many of his supporters and allies, less than half now say Obama is a Christian. Among Democrats, for instance, 46% say Obama is a Christian, down from 55% in March 2009.

The belief that Obama is a Muslim has increased most sharply among Republicans (up 14 points since 2009), especially conservative Republicans (up 16 points). But the number of independents who say Obama is a Muslim has also increased significantly (up eight points). There has been little change in the number of Democrats who say Obama is a Muslim, but fewer Democrats today say he is a Christian (down nine points since 2009).

When asked how they learned about Obama’s religion in an open-ended question, 60% of those who say Obama is a Muslim cite the media. Among specific media sources, television (at 16%) is mentioned most frequently. About one-in-ten (11%) of those who say Obama is a Muslim say they learned of this through Obama’s own words and behavior.

Beliefs about Obama’s religion are closely linked to political judgments about him. Those who say he is a Muslim overwhelmingly disapprove of his job performance, while a majority of those who think he is a Christian approve of the job Obama is doing. Those who are unsure about Obama’s religion are about evenly divided in their views of his performance.

The new poll by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life – conducted July 21-Aug. 5 among 3,003 respondents reached on landlines and cell phones, and interviewed in both English and Spanish –finds that despite increasing uncertainty about Obama’s religion, the public generally says he handles his religious beliefs appropriately.

The public sees Obama as less influenced by religion compared with George W. Bush when he was president. Yet relatively small percentages say Obama mentions his faith too infrequently or that he relies too little on his religious beliefs when making policy decisions.

Currently, 41% say Obama relies on his religious beliefs “a great deal” (14%) or a “fair amount” (27%) when making policy decisions; in August 2004, 64% said Bush relied on his religious beliefs either a great deal (26%) or a fair amount (38%).

Nonetheless, as was the case with Bush, the public generally says that Obama relies on his religious beliefs the right amount when making policy decisions. Roughly half of Americans (48%) think that Obama relies on his beliefs the right amount when making policy, while 21% say he relies too little on his beliefs and 11% too much; in 2004, slightly more (53%) said Bush relied on his beliefs the right amount when making policy. In addition, about as many say Obama (53%) mentions his religious faith and prayer the right amount as said that about Bush (52%) in 2006, though far fewer say Obama mentions his faith too much (10% vs. 24% for Bush).

The survey also finds about half of the public (52%) says that churches should keep out of politics, while 43% say churches and other houses of worship should express their views on social and political questions. That is largely unchanged from 2008, but over the previous decade (from 1996 to 2006), narrow majorities had expressed support for churches’ involvement in political matters.

The decline since 2006 in the number saying that churches should speak out on social and political issues has been broad-based, including Democrats and Republicans and people from a variety of religious backgrounds. The percentage of black Protestants who say churches should speak out on political matters has dropped sharply, going from 69% in 2006 to 53% today.

Despite the growing opposition to political involvement on the part of churches, most people continue to say they want political leaders who are religious. About six-in-ten (61%) agree that it is important that members of Congress have strong religious beliefs. And as in previous surveys, a slight plurality (37%) says that in general there has been too little expression of religious faith and prayer by political leaders.
The survey also finds:

•The Republican Party continues to be more widely viewed as friendly toward religion than the Democratic Party. However, both parties are facing declines in the percentages saying they are friendly to religion.

•The religious landscape is far more favorable to Republicans than was the case as recently as 2008. Half of white non-Hispanic Catholics (50%) currently identify with or lean toward the Republican Party, up nine points since 2008. Among religiously unaffiliated voters, who have been stalwart supporters of Democrats in recent elections, 29% currently identify with or lean toward the Republican Party, up from 25% in 2008 (the proportion identifying as Democrats has fallen seven points since then). And 33% of Jewish voters identify with or lean toward the Republican Party, up from 20% in 2008.

•Roughly six-in-ten people (58%) have heard of the “religious right,” while 41% are familiar with the “religious left.” Among those who have heard of the religious right and the religious left, sizable numbers express no opinion as to whether or not they generally agree or disagree with them.

NOTE: This report includes comparisons of opinions among different religious groups, which are based on a combination of religious tradition and race/ethnicity. The categories White evangelical Protestants, White mainline Protestants and White Catholics do not include Hispanics. Similarly, Black Protestants do not include Hispanics. Hispanic respondents can be of any race. The survey was conducted in English and Spanish.

More Americans continue to view the Republican Party as friendly toward religion (48%) than rate the Democratic Party that way (29%). President Barack Obama’s administration, however, is seen as friendly toward religion by more people (37%) than the Democratic Party as a whole. And all three get higher ratings for friendliness toward religion than the news media (14%), scientists (12%) or Hollywood (11%).

After peaking at 38% in mid-2008 during Obama’s presidential election campaign, the number of Americans describing the Democratic Party as friendly toward religion returned in mid-2009 to levels similar to those seen in 2005 through 2007. About one-in-five say Democrats are unfriendly toward religion (22%), up from 15% who felt that way last year but about the same as in surveys conducted in 2005 and 2006.

Views of the Democrats’ stance toward religion have soured sharply among groups that were already inclined to view the Democratic Party negatively, such as Republicans and white evangelical Protestants. But they have also turned more negative among both independents as well as Democrats who are ideologically moderate or conservative. These are among the main findings of a survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, conducted Aug. 11-27 among 4,013 adults reached on both landlines and cell phones.

Only 9% of conservative Republicans say the Democratic Party is friendly toward religion, less than half the number who said this in 2008 (23%). Moderate and liberal Republicans are 11 percentage points less likely to see Democrats as friendly toward religion than they were last year (21% in 2009 vs. 32% in 2008). The number of independents describing the Democrats as friendly toward religion is down nine points (from 35% to 26%), and the number of conservative and moderate Democrats taking this view is down eight points (from 50% to 42%). At the same time, 56% of liberal Democrats view their political party as friendly toward religion, identical to last year’s level.

Views of the Democrats’ friendliness toward religion have declined among nearly all major religious groups. Only 19% of white evangelical Protestants now say Democrats are friendly toward religion, slightly less than the 24% of white Catholics and 26% of white mainline Protestants who say the same. By contrast, more than one-third (36%) of the religiously unaffiliated say the Democratic Party is friendly toward religion, down 11 percentage points since last year. And among black Protestants, nearly half (45%) say the Democrats are friendly toward religion.

For Obama as well as for both political parties, being viewed as friendly toward religion is closely associated with popularity generally. Among those who say the Obama administration is friendly toward religion, fully three-quarters approve of the job he is doing (77%), compared with half of those who say the administration is neutral toward religion (51%) and a scant 7% of those who say it is unfriendly. More than eight-in-ten of those who say the Obama administration is unfriendly toward religion disapprove of his job performance.

Likewise, almost three-quarters of those who see the Democratic Party as friendly toward religion have a favorable view of the party (73%), compared with just 15% of those who say it is unfriendly. For the Republican Party, the link is less pronounced. Almost half of those who say the GOP is friendly toward religion view the party favorably (48%), compared with 41% among those who say it is neutral and 21% for those who say it is unfriendly.

Hollywood, the Media, and Scientists Seen as More Unfriendly Toward Religion

While the Democratic Party’s image with respect to religion has slipped, more Americans perceive the party as friendly toward religion (29%) than unfriendly (22%). The same cannot be said for Hollywood, the news media and scientists. Public ratings of Hollywood in this regard are the most lopsided – 47% say Hollywood is generally unfriendly toward religion and just 11% say it is generally friendly. This is largely unchanged from the balance of opinion in 2003 (45% unfriendly, 16% friendly).

Compared with other groups, more Republicans, evangelicals and people who attend worship services at least weekly see Hollywood as unfriendly toward religion. For example, two-thirds of Republicans (67%) say Hollywood and the makers of movies and TV shows are unfriendly toward religion, compared with 48% of independents and just 31% of Democrats. Likewise, 61% of those who attend church at least weekly say Hollywood is unfriendly, compared with 39% of those who attend less often.

A plurality of those surveyed (42%) say the news media are neutral toward religion, and 35% say the media are unfriendly toward religion. Far fewer say the news media are friendly toward religion (14%). Again, views of the news media’s handling of religion are virtually unchanged from 2003, when 41% said they were neutral, 34% rated them as unfriendly and 16% viewed them as friendly toward religion. A plurality also says that scientists are neutral toward religion (42%), while 35% say scientists are unfriendly and just 12% view scientists as friendly toward religion.

Political and religious differences are somewhat less stark, but still apparent, in views of how friendly the media and scientists are toward religion. Pluralities of independents and Democrats say the media and scientists are neutral to religion. But majorities of Republicans (51%) and white evangelical Protestants (52%) in the survey say the news media are unfriendly toward religion. And almost half of weekly worship attenders say the media are unfriendly toward religion (46%), compared with 29% among those who attend religious services less often. Republicans, evangelicals, black Protestants and weekly churchgoers also stand out compared with other groups for viewing scientists as unfriendly toward religion.

More than eight years after former President George W. Bush unveiled his faith-based initiative to make it easier for religious groups to receive government funding to provide social services, the policy continues to draw broad public support. But as was the case when Bush first announced the initiative, many Americans express concerns about blurring the lines between church and state.

Currently, 69% of Americans say they favor allowing churches and other houses of worship, along with other organizations, to apply for government funding to provide social services such as job training or drug treatment counseling. Just 25% oppose allowing faith-based groups to seek government funding to help the needy.

Support is somewhat below the peak of 75% measured in March 2001 when Bush made the faith-based initiative a key piece of his early agenda. Notably, Republicans are less supportive of this program now than they were during the early months of the Bush administration. Currently, 66% of Republicans favor allowing houses of worship to seek government funding to provide social services, down from 81% in March 2001. By contrast, more Democrats favor this than did so in 2001 (77% now vs. 70% then). As a result of these shifts, Democrats are now more supportive of this program than are Republicans, according to a survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, conducted Aug. 11-27 among 4,013 adults reached on both landlines and cell phones.

As a candidate in 2008, then-Sen. Barack Obama backed the concept of faith-based initiatives, while vowing to revamp the Bush-era program. Yet it was not a major issue during last year’s campaign, which was dominated at first by the war in Iraq and then by the economy. Indeed, most Americans are unaware of President Obama’s – and Bush’s – positions regarding faith-based funding. Just 27% know that Obama favors allowing houses of worship to apply for government funding to provide social services; 18% incorrectly say that Obama opposes this policy, while more than half (54%) give no answer. Bush’s stance is not much better known: just 36% know that Bush favored such a policy.

The public’s concerns about government funding for faith-based organizations – and people’s assessments of the potential benefits – have changed very little since 2001. A majority of the public views the possibility that the government might get too involved in religious organizations as an important concern (69%). And a smaller but still sizeable majority views the idea that people who receive help from faith-based groups might be forced to take part in religious practices as an important concern (60%). Roughly half see interference with the separation between church and state (52%) as an important concern, and nearly as many say the same about the possibility that such programs might not meet the same standards as government programs (48%) and that they might increase religious divisions (47%).

In addition, about three-quarters (74%) say religious organizations that receive government funds to provide services should not be able to hire only people who share their religious beliefs, a long-running point of contention in the debate.

At the same time, the survey finds strong support for several arguments in favor of funding these programs. The need for a range of service options and the potential that the people providing the services would be more caring and compassionate are cited most often as important reasons for favoring such programs (78% and 68%, respectively).

The public expresses reservations about certain religious groups vying for government dollars. While majorities think that most religions or denominations should be able to apply for government funding to provide social services, more than half (52%) say they oppose allowing Muslim mosques to apply for government funding. That is up slightly from 46% in March 2001. There is even greater opposition to allowing groups that encourage religious conversion as part of the services they provide to apply for government funding. More than six-in-ten (63%) oppose those groups being allowed to seek government funding, not much different from the 59% that said the same in 2001.

When people are asked generally whether religious organizations, non-religious organizations or the government can do the best job providing services for the needy, a plurality (37%) chooses religious organizations. That is up slightly from 2008 (31%) and matches the percentage expressing this view in 2001.

Yet there has been a sharp increase since 2001 in the proportion saying that religious organizations could do the best job of feeding the homeless. Currently, 52% say religious organizations could do the best job in feeding the homeless, compared with 21% who say a non-religious group and the same percentage who say a federal or state government agency. In March 2001, 40% said that religious organizations could best provide this service, while a quarter (25%) said a non-religious group and 28% cited a federal or state government agency.

With the economy struggling, nearly one-in-ten Americans (9%) say they recently have turned to religious groups to help make ends meet. That is comparable with the 7% that say they have sought help from non-religious community organizations.

Minorities and people with low family incomes are more likely than others to report receiving assistance from religious groups in order to make ends meet: 15% of African-Americans and 17% of Hispanics have turned to their church or another house of worship for aid, compared with 6% of non-Hispanic whites. Blacks also are more likely than whites to say they have sought help from non-religious organizations (12% vs. 6%).

In addition, 20% of those in households earning less than $30,000 a year say they have gotten help from their church or house of worship to make ends meet, while 16% say they have gotten help from non-religious community or volunteer organizations. Smaller proportions of those with higher incomes have relied on religious groups and non-religious organizations for help to make ends meet.

Groups Differ in Support for Faith-Based Programs

As was the case in March 2001, there are sizable age and racial differences in support for faith-based programs. Eight-in-ten (80%) of those younger than age 30 support the idea of allowing houses of worship to apply for government funds to provide social services. That compares with a smaller majority of those age 65 and older (56%).

While 85% of African-Americans support this policy, 65% of whites agree. Black support for faith-based initiatives is unchanged from March 2001, while white support has slipped by eight points. Among Hispanics, support for this policy is almost as high (80%) as among African-Americans.

Among religious groups, 65% of white evangelicals favor allowing churches to apply for government funds to provide social services, down from 77% in March 2001. White non-Hispanic Catholics have also become somewhat less supportive of such initiatives (72% currently vs. 81% in March 2001).

Views of Funding for Specific Religious Groups

Public opinion continues to vary widely about which religious groups should be allowed to apply for government funding to provide services to the needy. As was the case eight years ago, majorities say religious charities (68%), Catholic churches (60%), individual houses
of worship (59%), Protestant churches (56%), evangelical Christian churches (55%) and Jewish synagogues (52%) should be eligible for government funding.

But fewer than half (48%) favor allowing Mormon churches to apply for government funding to provide social services. And a majority (52%) opposes permitting Muslim mosques to be eligible for such funding; just 39% favor this. There is even greater opposition (63%) to allowing groups that encourage religious conversion as part of the services they provide to apply for government funding.

Republicans and white evangelical Protestants are now more opposed to Muslim mosques being permitted to apply for government funding for social services than they were eight years ago. By more than two-to-one (64% to 30%), Republicans now oppose allowing Muslim mosques to apply for government funds to provide social services. In March 2001, 51% of Republicans opposed mosques being eligible for such finding while 37% favored this. Currently, 44% of independents and 41% of Democrats favor allowing Muslim mosques to apply for faith-based funding, little changed from 2001, when 44% of independents and 36% of Democrats favored allowing this.

Among religious groups, two-thirds of white evangelical Protestants (66%) say they oppose Muslim mosques being eligible for faith-based funding – up 14 points since 2001. There has been less change among members of other religious groups.

The public has consistently opposed allowing groups that encourage religious conversion to apply for federal funds to assist the needy. However, there is more support for this among African-Americans and Hispanics than among non-Hispanic whites.

Nearly four-in-ten African-Americans (39%) and 35% of Hispanics say that religious groups that encourage conversion should be eligible to apply for funding to provide social services, compared with just 25% of non-Hispanic whites. A similar divide between African-Americans and whites was evident in 2001, when 45% of blacks supported this and 30% of whites did so.

Religious Hiring Remains Unpopular

The public also continues to overwhelmingly reject the idea that religious groups that receive funding for social service programs should be able to hire only people who share their religious beliefs. Nearly three-quarters (74%) say religious groups that receive government funding should not be allowed to hire only people who share their religious beliefs, compared with 21% who say this should be allowed.

While the idea of religion-based hiring by funding recipients is widely opposed, relatively large minorities of Republicans (32%) and white evangelical Protestants (33%) say this practice should be permitted. By comparison, fewer than a quarter of those in other political or religious groups say that religious groups that receive government money to provide social services should be able to restrict hiring only to individuals who share their religious beliefs.

Who Can Best Help the Needy?

Opinions about whether religious organizations – rather than non-religious groups or government agencies – can best provide services to needy people have changed very little since 2001, although there have been modest shifts since last year.

Currently, 37% say that religious organizations can do the best job of providing services to people in need; 28% say non-religious, community-based organizations can best perform this task; and 25% say federal and state government agencies can best provide services to the needy. The balance of opinion about this issue was nearly identical in 2001 (37% religious organizations, 28% government agencies and 27% non-religious groups). In 2008, roughly equal percentages said religious organizations (31%), government agencies (31%) and non-religious groups (29%) could best provide help for the needy.

Over the past year, these views have become considerably more partisan. Currently, more than half of Republicans (56%) say that religious organizations can best provide services to the needy, up 16 points from 2008 and higher than the percentage saying that in 2001 (49%). By contrast, opinions among Democrats and independents have changed little, when compared with either 2008 or 2001.

In addition, a clear majority (60%) of white evangelical Protestants now say that religious organizations can best perform this role, up 13 points from last year; in 2001, a smaller majority of white evangelicals (53%) expressed this view. White non-Hispanic Catholics also are more likely now than they were last year (38% now, 27% then) to view religious organizations as best able to serve the needy. But opinions among white non-Hispanic Catholics are about the same as in 2001 (35%).

Religious Groups Preferred for Feeding Homeless

A narrow majority of Americans (52%) now say that religious organizations can do the best job in feeding the homeless, while 21% name federal and state government agencies and the same number (21%) choose non-religious community-based groups. These opinions have changed substantially since 2001, when 40% named religious organizations, 28% said government agencies and 25% said non-religious community groups.

There have been smaller changes since 2001 in opinions about which organizations can best provide other specific social services. Notably, there have been declines in the percentages choosing federal and state government agencies in several areas, including as the best providers of health care (down 13 points) and job training (down 10 points). These changes are consistent with the declines in favorable ratings for both the federal government and state governments in recent years.(See Budget Woes Take Toll on Views of State Governments, released Aug. 11, 2009).

As with general views about which groups can best provide aid to the needy, opinions about who can best feed the homeless have become more partisan since 2001. Currently, 66% of Republicans say religious organizations can best carry out this task, up 20 points from eight years ago. More independents also say religious organizations can best feed the homeless – up from 39% in 2001 to 51% in the latest survey. Democrats’ views have changed little over this period (37% in 2001, 41% currently).

There have been changes in opinions among some religious groups as well. Majorities of white evangelicals (65%) and white non-Hispanic Catholics (54%) say religious organizations can do the best job in feeding the homeless; in 2001, 49% of white evangelicals and 42% of white non-Hispanic Catholics expressed this view.

Some Americans are having a change of heart about mixing religion and politics. A new survey finds a narrow majority of the public saying that churches and other houses of worship should keep out of political matters and not express their views on day-to-day social and political matters. For a decade, majorities of Americans had voiced support for religious institutions speaking out on such issues.

The new national survey by the Pew Research Center reveals that most of the reconsideration of the desirability of religious involvement in politics has occurred among conservatives. Four years ago, just 30% of conservatives believed that churches and other houses of worship should stay out of politics. Today, 50% of conservatives express this view.

As a result, conservatives’ views on this issue are much more in line with the views of moderates and liberals than was previously the case. Similarly, the sharp divisions between Republicans and Democrats that previously existed on this issue have disappeared.

There are other signs in the new poll about a potential change in the climate of opinion about mixing religion and politics. First, the survey finds a small but significant increase since 2004 in the percentage of respondents saying that they are uncomfortable when they hear politicians talk about how religious they are – from 40% to 46%. Again, the increase in negative sentiment about religion and politics is much more apparent among Republicans than among Democrats.

Second, while the Republican Party is most often seen as the party friendly toward religion, the Democratic Party has made gains in this area. Nearly four-in-ten (38%) now say the Democratic Party is generally friendly toward religion, up from just 26% two years ago. Nevertheless, considerably more people (52%) continue to view the GOP as friendly toward religion.

The poll by Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life finds increasing numbers of Americans believing that religiously defined ideological groups have too much control over the parties themselves. Nearly half (48%) say religious conservatives have too much influence over the Republican Party, up from 43% in August 2007. At the same time, more people say that liberals who are not religious have too much sway over the Democrats than did so last year (43% today vs. 37% then).

Social Conservatives’ Discontents

In addition to somewhat greater worries about the way religious and non-religious groups are influencing the parties, the survey suggests that frustration and disillusionment among social conservatives may be a part of the reason why a greater number now think that religious institutions should keep out of politics. However, there is little to suggest that social conservatives want religion to be a less important element in American politics.

The greatest increases since 2004 in the view that churches and other houses of worship should not express themselves on political matters have occurred among less-educated Republicans and people who say that social issues such as abortion and same-sex marriage will be important to their vote. For example, among people who rate gay marriage as a top voting issue, the percentage saying that churches should stay out of politics soared from 25% in 2004 to 50% currently; there was little change over this period on this question among people who do not view same-sex marriage as a very important issue.

Another indication that disillusionment may be in play in increased opposition to the mixing of religion and politics is seen in the fact that this sentiment has increased most among people who rate the major parties as unfriendly toward religion. The views of citizens who see the parties as neutral or friendly toward religion have been more stable on the question of whether churches and other houses of worship should speak out on political issues.

In short, the change of mind about the role of religious institutions in politics is most apparent among people who are most concerned about the very issues that churches and other houses of worship have focused on, and among those who fault the parties for their friendliness toward religion.

Changes in views about the role of churches in politics notwithstanding, many of the contours of American public opinion relating to broad questions of religion and politics remain largely unchanged. Two-thirds of the public (66%) say that churches and other houses of worship should not endorse one candidate over another, which is unchanged since 2004 (65%). And while most say it is important for presidents to have strong religious beliefs, they are divided about whether there currently is too much, or too little, in the way of expressions of faith by contemporary political leaders. Roughly comparable numbers say political leaders express their religious beliefs too much (29%), too little (36%) or the right amount (28%).

Despite their increased reluctance to see religious institutions speaking out on politics, conservatives and Republicans continue to express very strong support for a religious president and relatively high levels of support for expressions of religious faith and prayer by political leaders.

Soft Support Among Social Conservatives for McCain

While some social conservatives are expressing changed views about religion and politics, there is little indication that they are changing their voting preferences: John McCain has about as large a lead over Barack Obama among conservatives and white evangelicals as George Bush did at this stage in the campaign four years ago.

However, as has been the case since June, the current survey shows much more tepid support for McCain among white evangelical Protestants and conservatives generally than Bush enjoyed in August 2004. Just 28% of white evangelical Protestants say they are strong backers of the Arizona senator. Four years ago, 57% of white evangelicals described themselves as strong backers of President Bush.

As was the case in previous presidential elections, the voting inclinations of Catholic voters – especially white non-Hispanic Catholics – remain fluid. Four years ago at this time John Kerry held a slight edge over Bush among white non-Hispanic Catholics; but he lost that lead by the election. In the current poll, this group, which accounts for 18% of the electorate, is divided almost evenly: 45% support McCain, while 44% favor Obama.

Other Findings

The survey was conducted by telephone – both landline phones and cell phones – from July 31-Aug. 10 among a national sample of 2,905 adults. It finds that as the Democratic Party’s advantage in party identification has grown, there have been some notable changes in party affiliation within key religious groups. In 2008, about half of registered voters (51%) identify themselves as Democrats or lean toward the Democratic Party, while just 38% identify as Republicans or Republican leaners. In 2004, Democrats held only a slight, three-point advantage in party affiliation (47% to 44%).

While white non-Hispanic Catholics are divided in their presidential choices, they are increasingly identifying as Democrats. In surveys conducted this year, 49% of white non-Hispanic Catholics either affiliate with or lean toward the Democratic Party, while 40% identify with the GOP. In 2004, 47% of white non-Hispanic Catholics identified with the GOP while 45% affiliated with the Democratic Party.

The survey finds that the economy continues to dominate the concerns of voters. Nearly nine-in-ten (87%) say the economy will be very important to their vote this fall, up from 78% in October 2004. Energy has surged among voters’ concerns: 77% view energy as very important, compared with only 54% in the closing weeks of the last campaign.

For the most part, the issues that are important to the public as a whole are also important to particular religious groups. However, social issues, such as same-sex marriage, continue to be more important for white evangelicals than for other registered voters. Currently, 46% of white evangelicals say same-sex marriage will be a very important voting issue, compared with 28% of all voters. That is only somewhat less than the percentage of white evangelical voters who viewed same-sex marriage as very important in October 2004 (49%).