President Obama continues to hold a substantial advantage over congressional Republicans in public regard. Obama’s job approval is back in positive territory at 51%, after slipping to 47% in March. By comparison, just 22% approve of the job Republican leaders in Congress are doing, among the lowest approval rating for congressional leaders from either party in 20 years.

Furthermore, a record-high 80% say Obama and Republican leaders are not working together to address important issues facing the country, and by nearly two-to-one (42%-22%) more blame Republican leaders than Obama for the gridlock.

Despite GOP leaders’ poor job ratings, the Republican Party runs about even with the Democrats on leading issues such as the economy, immigration and gun control. Overall, 42% say the Republican Party could do the better job dealing with the economy, while 38% say the Democratic Party. The public is similarly divided over which party could better handle gun control policy and immigration policy.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted May 1-5 among 1,504 adults, finds that Republicans have particularly low regard for their party’s congressional leaders. Just 42% approve of the job GOP leaders in Congress are doing, while 51% disapprove. This is far below the job ratings that Democrats give their party’s leaders (60% approve, 32% disapprove).

Despite their frustration with the party’s leadership, Republicans overwhelmingly say the GOP could do a better job than the Democratic Party when it comes to issues like the economy, immigration and gun control. By comparison, fewer Democrats side with their party on the economy and gun control, which is one reason why Republicans run even with the Democrats overall. On each of these three issues, independents are split as to whether the Republican Party or the Democratic Party could do better.

As Obama works toward advancing his second-term agenda, the public is divided over whether he is someone who is able to get things done (49%) or not (46%). Views of Obama’s effectiveness have declined since shortly after his re-election, when more saw him as effective (57%) than did not (37%).

While the public offers mixed views of Obama’s effectiveness in a gridlocked political environment, most say he fights hard to get his policies passed (67%) and 76% describe him as someone who stands up for what he believes in. Both impressions hold with majorities of Republicans, Democrats and independents. Views of his leadership and effectiveness, by contrast, are highly polarized.

Views of Obama, Congressional Leaders

At 51%, Barack Obama’s overall job approval rating has edged back up from a recent low of 47% in mid-March. But it still trails his 55% approval rating in early December, a month after his re-election victory.

Ratings of Republican leaders in Congress remain near all-time lows. By about three-to-one, more disapprove (68%) than approve (22%) of the job GOP leaders in Congress are doing. Republican leaders’ job approval has changed little since December of last year (25%).

Democratic leaders are viewed only somewhat more positively. Overall, 32% approve of the job Democratic leaders in Congress are doing, while 59% disapprove. In December, 40% approved of the job performance of Democratic leaders.

Republicans express mixed views of the job performance of their party’s congressional leaders: 42% approve, while 51% disapprove. By contrast, almost twice as many Democrats approve as disapprove of the job of Democratic congressional leaders (60% vs. 32%).

Independents continue to take a dim view of the job performance of both parties’ congressional leaders: Just 23% approve of Democratic leaders’ job performance while 18% give GOP leaders a positive job rating.

Parties Run Even on Key Issues

The Republican Party runs about even with the Democratic Party on three key issues: the economy, immigration and gun control. In recent years, neither political party has held a decisive advantage on these issues. The Democratic Party led on the economy through much of George W. Bush’s second term and Obama’s first year in office. But since 2010, about as many have favored the GOP as the Democrats.

Similarly, neither party has had a consistent advantage on dealing with immigration. The current survey finds opinion split evenly; Democrats held a slim advantage in late 2012, while Republicans held a slight edge in 2011.

And while the gun debate has drawn significant public attention over the past four months (see: Gun Debate Draws More Interest than Immigration Policy Debate, released April 8, 2013), it has not resulted in an advantage for either political party. In the immediate wake of the shootings in Newtown, Conn., Americans were divided over which party could better address gun control, and that divide persists today.

Independents are split over which party can do the better job on key issues. Overall, 38% of independents say the Republican Party could do the better job on the economy while nearly as many (35%) say the Democratic Party. Similarly, independents are divided over who can better address immigration (36% say each party) and gun control (41% Republican Party, 35% Democratic Party). On all three issues, about a quarter of independents volunteer no preference between the two parties.

Eight-in-ten Republicans (79%) say the GOP could do the better job dealing with the economy, while just 9% say the Democratic Party. Fewer Democrats (65%) say their party could do better on the economy, while 22% say the GOP could do better.

Similarly, while 76% of Republicans say the Republican Party better reflects their views on gun control, 66% of Democrats choose the Democratic Party. On dealing with immigration, 69% of Republicans prefer the GOP while about as many Democrats (63%) say the Democratic Party could do better.

Eight-in-Ten Say Obama, GOP Leaders Not Working Together

The percentage saying that Obama and Republican leaders are not working together has risen steadily during Obama’s presidency. Currently, 80% say the two sides are not working together, up from 65% in February 2011 (shortly after Republicans won control of the House) and just 45% in early 2009.

By nearly two-to-one, those who see a lack of cooperation are more likely to blame Republican leaders in Congress (42%) than Obama (22%) for the gridlock. The percentage blaming Republicans is up 11 points since February 2011, while the percentage blaming Obama is little changed over that time period.

Republicans and Democrats are about equally likely to say that GOP leaders and Obama are not cooperating, but Republicans are more likely to say their own party is at least partly to blame for gridlock than are Democrats.

Overall, 53% of Republicans blame Obama for the lack of cooperation in Washington. However, 28% say either that GOP leaders (12%) or both Republican leaders and Obama (17%) are to blame for not working together on important issues.

Democrats are less likely to see any blame on their side of the aisle. Seven-in-ten (70%) blame GOP leaders for the gridlock in Washington, while just 7% say either that Obama is most to blame (4%) or volunteer that both parties are to blame (3%).

Independents are much more likely to say that Republican leaders are to blame for the lack of cooperation in Washington (39%) than Obama (20%); 17% volunteer that both are to blame.

Majorities Say Obama Stands up for Beliefs, Fights for Policies

Following the failure of gun control legislation backed by the Obama administration, most continue to say that Obama stands up for what he believes in (76%) and that he fights hard to get his policies passed (67%). Most also say that Obama is a strong leader (56%); 40% say he is not a strong leader.

However, the percentage saying that Obama is able to get things done has edged down since shortly after Obama’s second inauguration. In the current survey, about as many say Obama is able to get things done (49%) as not able to get things done (46%). In January, Obama was viewed as able to get things done by a 57%-37% margin.

Majorities of Republicans, Democrats and independents agree that Obama stands up for what he believes in and fights hard to get his policies passed. There is far less partisan agreement over Obama’s leadership ability and effectiveness.

Just 18% of Republicans view Obama as a strong leader and an identical percentage say he is able to get things done. Fully 86% of Democrats say Obama is a strong leader and 74% say he is able to get things done.

By a 56%-41% margin, more independents say Obama is a strong leader than not. However, independents are divided over whether Obama is able to get things done (46%) or not (49%).

Views of Obama Similar to Bush at Comparable Point

Impressions of Obama’s leadership and effectiveness are similar to those of George W. Bush at comparable points in their presidencies.

Currently, 56% say Obama is a strong leader, while 41% say he is not a strong leader. Public views of Bush’s leadership were nearly the same in July 2005, in the first year of his second term (55% strong leader, 41% not).

Bush also got about the same rating for his ability to get things done as Obama does today (50% vs. 49% for Obama). Bill Clinton received more positive ratings for effectiveness than either Obama or Bush in the first year of his second term; in August 1997, 64% said Clinton was able to get things done.

More Approve than Disapprove of Obama’s Job Performance

Overall, 51% approve of the job Obama is doing as president, while 43% disapprove. Obama’s job ratings have ticked up since March (47% approve, 46% disapprove), but remain less positive than they were in December, immediately following his re-election (55% approve, 39% disapprove).

Among independents, 48% approve of the job Obama is doing while 45% disapprove. Democrats overwhelmingly approve of Obama’s job performance (85% approve vs. 9% disapprove), while Republicans disapprove by a similar margin (85% disapprove vs. 12% approve).

Even as public views of the federal government in Washington have fallen to another new low, the public continues to see their state and local governments in a favorable light. Overall, 63% say they have a favorable opinion of their local government, virtually unchanged over recent years. And 57% express a favorable view of their state government – a five-point uptick from last year. By contrast, just 28% rate the federal government in Washington favorably. That is down five points from a year ago and the lowest percentage ever in a Pew Research Center survey.

The percentage of Democrats expressing a favorable opinion of the federal government has declined 10 points in the past year, from 51% to 41%. For the first time since Barack Obama became president, more Democrats say they have an unfavorable view of the federal government in Washington than a favorable view (51% unfavorable vs. 41% favorable). Favorable opinions of the federal government among Republicans, already quite low in 2012 (20% favorable), have fallen even further, to 13% currently.

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted March 13-17 among 1,501 adults, finds positive ratings across party lines for state and local governments overall. But the partisan makeup of the state government matters: Republicans give more positive ratings to GOP-led state governments, while Democrats rate Democratic-led state governments more highly.

Notably, politically divided state governments get positive ratings from members of both parties. In the 13 states with divided governments – those in which the governor and a majority of state legislators are from different parties – majorities of both Republicans and Democrats express favorable opinions of their state governments.

A sizable majority of Americans (69%) say that their state is currently facing budget problems. However, assessments of state budgets were even more negative two years ago; in February 2011, 81% said their state was encountering budget problems. And while just 30% say that economic conditions in their state are excellent or good, that is nearly double the percentage expressing a positive view of the national economy (16% excellent or good).

Partisan Views of Government

Currently, 41% of Democrats say they have a favorable opinion of the federal government, compared with 27% of independents and just 13% of Republicans. By contrast, state and local governments are viewed favorably across-the-board.

Nearly identical percentages of Democrats (56%), Republicans (57%) and independents (59%) have a favorable opinion of their state’s government. Similarly, local governments receive positive ratings from 67% of Democrats, 63% of Republicans and 60% of independents.

While there is partisan agreement in overall ratings of state governments, these opinions differ markedly depending on which party controls the government.

Fully 71% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents who live in Republican-led states (those with a GOP governor and state legislature) have a favorable opinion of their state government. But just 30% of Republicans living in Democratic-led states view their state governments favorably.

Democrats and Democratic leaners in Democratic-led states express positive views of their state governments (64% favorable). But unlike Republicans, Democrats do not have unfavorable opinions of state governments led by the opposing party. Among Democrats living in Republican-led states, as many have a favorable (50%) as unfavorable (46%) opinion of their state government.

Politically divided state governments receive about the same ratings from Democrats and Democratic leaners (64% favorable) as from Republicans and Republican leaners (58% favorable).

Views of State Governors

Overall, state governors received a positive rating from the public: 55% rate their state’s governor favorably, compared with 30% who hold an unfavorable view. Views of state governors in states with a Republican officeholder (55% favorable) are nearly identical to views in states with Democratic governors (56%).

Unlike views of state governments, neither Republicans nor Democrats offer highly negative ratings of their governor, even in cases where the opposing party holds office.

Overall, 43% of Republicans and Republican leaners in states with a Democratic governor rate their state governor favorably, while 48% have an unfavorable view. Opinions among Democrats and leaners in states with an opposing party governor also are mixed: 43% of Democrats in states with a Republican governor express a favorable view of their state governor, 44% an unfavorable one.

Both Republicans and Democrats offer a highly favorable view of their governor in states where their own party is in control (73% of Republicans and Republican leaners, 68% of Democrats and Democratic leaners).

Modest Improvement in Views of State Budgets

Nearly seven-in-ten Americans (69%) say their state is experiencing budget problems, down from 81% two years ago. The percentage saying their state does not face budget problems has nearly doubled, from 12% to 21%, during this period.

The percentage saying their state’s budget problems are very serious also has dipped, from 36% in February 2011 to 31% currently.

State economic ratings also have shown modest improvement. Three-in-ten (30%) say economic conditions in their state are excellent (3%) or good (27%), up from 23% two years ago.

Ratings of state economic conditions are more positive than national economic ratings. Just 16% describe national economic conditions as excellent or good; this compares with 30% who describe the economy of the state they live in as excellent or good in the current survey.

Respondents in states with a Republican governor offer slightly better economic ratings than those living in states with a Democratic governor. About a third (34%) of those in states with a GOP governor describe economic conditions as excellent or good, compared with 24% of those in states with Democratic governors. Similarly, fewer in Republican-governed states say their state is currently experiencing budget problems (66%) than those in Democratic-governed states (73%).

Federal Government’s Declining Favorability

Favorable ratings for the federal government rose dramatically after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, but have declined substantially since then. In November 2001, 82% had a favorable opinion of the government and in December 2002, 73% viewed the federal government favorably.

Positive opinions of the government declined through the remainder of George W. Bush’s presidency and have continued to fall during the Obama administration. Currently, 28% have a favorable impression of the federal government while 65% have an unfavorable view.

Partisan views of the federal government have shifted depending on which party controls the White House. Currently, Democrats have a more favorable impression of the federal government than do Republicans; during the Bush administration, Republicans expressed more favorable opinions.

However, there has been a steep decline in the share of Democrats expressing a favorable opinion of the federal government since Obama took office, from 61% in July 2009 to 41% currently. Favorable opinions also have fallen among Republicans over this period, from 24% to 13% — the lowest ever favorable rating among members of either party.

Appendix: Party of Governors and State Legislatures

States with Republican governors:

AL, AK, AZ, FL, GA, ID, IN, IA, KS, LA, ME, MI, MS, NE, NV, NJ, NM, NC, ND, OH, OK, PA, SC, SD, TN, TX, UT, VA, WI, WY

States with Democratic governors:
AR, CA, CO, CT, DE, HI, IL, KY, MD, MA, MN, MO, MT, NH, NY, OR, VT, WA, WV

Republican governors and Republican majorities in both state House and Senate:
AL, AK, AZ, FL, GA, ID, IN, KS, LA, MI, MS, NC, ND, OH, OK, PA, SC, SD, TN, TX, UT, VA, WI, WY

Democratic governors and Democratic majorities in both state House and Senate:
CA, CO, CT, DE, HI, IL, MD, MA, MN, OR, VT, WA, WV

Mixed party control of governorship, state House and state Senate:
AR, IA, KY, ME, MO, MT, NE, NV, NH, NJ, NM, NY, RI

Sources: National Conference of State Legislatures, National Governors Association.

For the first time in more than four decades of polling on the issue, a majority of Americans favor legalizing the use of marijuana. A national survey finds that 52% say that the use of marijuana should be made legal while 45% say it should not.

Support for legalizing marijuana has risen 11 points since 2010. The change is even more dramatic since the late 1960s. A 1969 Gallup survey found that just 12% favored legalizing marijuana use, while 84% were opposed.

The survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted March 13-17 among 1,501 adults, finds that young people are the most supportive of marijuana legalization. Fully 65% of Millennials –born since 1980 and now between 18 and 32 – favor legalizing the use of marijuana, up from just 36% in 2008. Yet there also has been a striking change in long-term attitudes among older generations, particularly Baby Boomers.

Half (50%) of Boomers now favor legalizing marijuana, among the highest percentages ever. In 1978, 47% of Boomers favored legalizing marijuana, but support plummeted during the 1980s, reaching a low of 17% in 1990. Since 1994, however, the percentage of Boomers favoring marijuana legalization has doubled, from 24% to 50%.

Generation X, born between 1965 and 1980, came of age in the 1990s when there was widespread opposition to legalizing marijuana. Support for marijuana legalization among Gen X also has risen dramatically – from just 28% in 1994 to 42% a decade later and 54% currently.

The Silent Generation continues to be less supportive of marijuana legalization than younger age cohorts. But the percentage of Silents who favor legalization has nearly doubled –from 17% to 32% – since 2002.

The survey finds that an increasing percentage of Americans say they have tried marijuana. Overall, 48% say they have ever tried marijuana, up from 38% a decade ago. Roughly half in all age groups, except for those 65 and older, say they have tried marijuana.

About one-in-ten (12%) say they have used marijuana in the past year. Age differences are much more pronounced when it comes to the recent use of marijuana: 27% of those younger than 30 say they have used marijuana in the past year, at least three times the percentage in any other age group.

Among those who say they have used marijuana in the past year, 47% say they used it “just for fun,” while 30% say it was for a medical issue; 23% volunteer they used it for medical purposes and also just for fun.

As support for marijuana legalization has grown, there has been a decline in the percentage viewing it as a “gateway drug.” Currently, just 38% agree that “for most people the use of marijuana leads to the use of hard drugs.” In 1977, 60% said its use led to the use of hard drugs.

More recently, there has been a major shift in attitudes on whether it is immoral to smoke marijuana. Currently, 32% say that smoking marijuana is morally wrong, an 18-point decline since 2006 (50%). Over this period, the percentage saying that smoking marijuana is not a moral issue has risen 15 points (from 35% then to 50% today).

Amid changing attitudes about marijuana, a sizable percentage of Americans (72%) say that government efforts to enforce marijuana laws cost more than they are worth. And 60% say that the federal government should not enforce federal laws prohibiting the use of marijuana in states where it is legal. Last fall, voters in two states – Colorado and Washington state – approved the personal use of small amounts of marijuana for recreational use.

There are partisan differences over legalizing marijuana use and whether smoking marijuana is morally wrong. But Republicans and Democrats have similar views on enforcing marijuana laws: 57% of Republicans and 59% of Democrats say that the federal government should not enforce federal marijuana laws in states that permit its use. Substantial majorities of both Republicans (67%) and Democrats (71%) also say federal enforcement of marijuana laws is not worth the cost.

While Americans increasingly support legalizing marijuana and fewer see its potential dangers, many still do not like the idea of people using marijuana around them. About half (51%) say they would feel uncomfortable if people around them were using marijuana, while 48% would not feel uncomfortable. As with nearly all attitudes about marijuana, there are substantial age differences in discomfort with others using marijuana – 74% of those 65 and older say they would be uncomfortable if people around them used marijuana, compared with 35% of those under 30.

Recent Rise in Support for Legalization

The long-term shift in favor of legalizing marijuana has accelerated in the past three years. About half (52%) of adults today support legalizing the use of marijuana, up from 41% in 2010. Since then, support for legalization has increased among all demographic and political groups.

Nearly two-thirds of those under 30 (64%) favor legalizing marijuana use, as do about half or more of those 30 to 49 (55%) and 50 to 64 (53%). There is far less support for legalization among those 65 and older (33%); still, there has been an 11-point rise in support among older Americans since 2010.

Men (57%) are somewhat more likely than women (48%) to support marijuana legalization. Support is comparable among racial and ethnic groups — roughly half of whites (52%), blacks (56%) and Hispanics (51%) favor legalizing the use of marijuana.

Only about three-in-ten conservative Republicans (29%) say marijuana use should be legal. Moderate and liberal Republicans are far more likely than conservatives to favor legalization (53%).

Like Republicans, Democrats are ideologically divided over legalizing marijuana. While 73% of liberal Democrats favor legalizing use of marijuana, only about half of conservative and moderate Democrats agree (52%).

Fully 70% of those who have ever tried marijuana, including 89% of those who have tried it in the past year, say the use of marijuana should be legal. That compares with just 35% of those who have never tried marijuana. Support for legalization has increased since 2010 among those who have ever tried marijuana (by six points) as well as those who have not (by 10 points).

Opinions about legalizing marijuana vary little among states that have more permissive marijuana laws and those that do not. A majority (55%) of those in states that have legalized medical marijuana or have decriminalized (or legalized) marijuana for personal use favor legalizing marijuana. Yet 50% of those in states in which marijuana is not decriminalized (or legal for any purpose) also favor its legalization.

Shifting Attitudes about Marijuana

Over the past three decades, there has been a substantial decline in the percentage saying that for most people marijuana leads to the use of hard drugs. Just 38% express that view currently; in a 1977 Gallup survey, 60% said marijuana led to the use of hard drugs.

Much of this shift is the result of generational change. In the 1977 survey, most of those in Greatest Generation (76%), born before 1928, accepted the link between marijuana and hard drug use. The generations that have come of age since 1977 – Gen X and Millennials – are far less likely to say that marijuana use leads to the use of hard drugs (36% of Gen X, 31% of Millennials).

Notably, Boomers view this issue in about the same way as they did in 1977, when there was relatively broad support among this age cohort for legalization. Currently, 37% of Boomers say that marijuana use leads to the use of hard drugs; in 1977, 39% expressed this view. Similarly, 60% of Silents currently say that marijuana use leads to the use of hard drugs, which is virtually the same as opinion among this age cohort in 1977 (62%).

Those who have never tried marijuana are much less likely to view marijuana as a gateway to hard drugs than in the 1970s. In 1977, 72% of those who had never tried marijuana said it led to use of hard drugs; today, just half (50%) of those who have never tried it express this view. In 1977, few who had tried marijuana said there was a link to hard drugs (19%); that remains the case today (26%).

Most Say Marijuana Has Medical Uses

Opinions also have changed about whether marijuana has legitimate medical uses. By 77% to 16%, most say that marijuana does have legitimate medical uses. In an ABC News survey in 1997, a smaller majority (58%) said it had legitimate medical uses, while 34% said it did not.

There are only modest partisan differences in views of the medical uses of marijuana: 82% of independents, 76% of Democrats and 72% of Republicans say it has legitimate medical uses. Age is also a factor in these views, but even among those 65 and older – who oppose legalizing marijuana use by nearly two-to-one – a majority (60%) says that marijuana has legitimate medical uses.

Morality of Smoking Marijuana

The percentage of Americans who say that smoking marijuana is morally wrong also has declined dramatically since 2006. A survey earlier this year found that 32% of Americans say that smoking marijuana is morally wrong, down 18 points since 2006. Over the same period, the percentage saying it is not a moral issue has increased by 15 points (from 35% to 50%).

As with many of the changes in opinions about marijuana and its use, the decline in the percentages who think that smoking marijuana is morally wrong has occurred across most demographic and political groups.

Those in the Silent Generation are more likely than younger people to say that smoking marijuana is morally wrong. But since 2006, the percentage of Silents expressing this view has decreased from 71% to 48%.

Federal Enforcement of Marijuana Laws

Nearly three-quarters of Americans (72%) say that in general, government efforts to enforce marijuana laws cost more than they are worth. And when it comes to the question of whether the federal government should enforce marijuana laws in states that have approved marijuana use, a majority (60%) says it should not.

There is agreement across partisan and demographic groups that federal government enforcement of marijuana laws is not worth the cost. Fully 78% of independents, 71% of Democrats and 67% of Republicans say government enforcement efforts cost more than they are worth.

Similarly, there is substantial opposition to the federal government enforcing marijuana laws in states that permit the legal use of marijuana: 64% of independents say the federal government should not enforce federal marijuana laws in such states, as do 59% of Democrats and 57% of Republicans.

Reported Marijuana Use Increases over Past Decade

Roughly half of adults (48%) say they have ever tried marijuana, the highest percentage ever. Just two years ago, 40% said they had tried marijuana. In both 2003 and 2001, 38% said they had used marijuana.

Of the 48% who have ever used it, about a quarter of them – 12% of the general public – say they did so in the past year. The other 36% say they have tried marijuana, but not in the past year.

People who say they have used marijuana in the past year did so both for medical reasons and “just for fun.” About half (53%) of those recent users say that a medical issue was part of the reason for their use, including 23% who volunteer that they used marijuana for both medical and recreational purposes. The remaining 47% say they used marijuana just for fun.

More than half of young people (56%) say they have ever tried marijuana, and 27% say they have tried it in the past year – by far the highest percentage in any age category.

About half of those 30- to 49 (51%) and 50-64 (54%) have ever tried marijuana, although only about one-in-ten did so last year. Just 22% of adults 65 and older have ever used marijuana, including 2% who say they have used it in the past year.

Men are more likely to say they have tried marijuana than women, 54% vs. 42%. Half of whites and blacks (50%) say they have ever tried marijuana, compared with 34% of Hispanics.

Democrats and Republicans are about equally likely to say they have tried the drug over their lifetimes, 47% vs. 43%; independents are somewhat more likely to have used it (53%). However, over the past year, more independents (14%) and Democrats (13%) than Republicans (7%) say they have used marijuana.

There is no significant difference in lifetime or recent use between people in states with some form of legalized marijuana and those in other states.

Half Would Be Uncomfortable around Marijuana Users

About half of Americans (51%) say they would feel uncomfortable if people around them used marijuana while 48% would not. Just 35% of those under 30 say they would be uncomfortable if people around them used marijuana, the lowest percentage of any age group. Twice as many of those 65 and older (74%) say they would feel uncomfortable around marijuana use.

More women than men say they would be bothered by people around them using marijuana. Nearly six-in-ten women (57%) say they would feel uncomfortable if people around them used marijuana, compared with 44% of men.

Parents are about as likely as non-parents to have ever tried marijuana and they have similar feelings about people using marijuana around them. About half of parents (50%) and non-parents (51%) say they would feel uncomfortable if people around them used marijuana.

Appendix: State Marijuana Laws

Only medical marijuana is legal:
AZ, DE, DC, HI, MI, MT, NJ, NM, VT

Marijuana is decriminalized:
MN, MS, NE, NY, NC, OH

Medical marijuana is legal and marijuana decriminalized:
AK, CA, CO, CT, ME, MA, MS, NV, OR, RI, WA

Not decriminalized or medical:
AL, AR, FL, GA, ID, IL, IN, IA, KS, KY, LA, MD, MO, NH, ND, OK, PA, SC, SD, TN, TX, UT, VA, WV, WI, WY

Source: National Conference of State Legislatures and National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws, 2013.

As the Supreme Court prepares to hear arguments on two same-sex marriage cases, and with several other high-profile cases on its docket, the court’s favorability rating remains close to an all-time low.

A national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted March 13-17 among 1,501 adults, finds that 52% view the court favorably, while 31% view it unfavorably. Those ratings have changed only modestly since last July, shortly after the court’s ruling to uphold most of the Affordable Care Act.

Republicans’ views of the court, which tumbled 18 points following the court’s ruling on the health care law, have rebounded somewhat in the current survey. Nearly half of Republicans (47%) have a favorable opinion of the Supreme Court, up from 38% last July, but still lower than the 56% who viewed the court positively prior to its decision on the health care law.

By contrast, Democrats’ impressions of the court have slipped since last July, from 64% to 56%. Independents’ views of the court have changed little during this period. About half of independents (52%) continue to have a favorable impression of the court.

Little Agreement on Supreme Court’s Ideological Leanings

The public continues to have mixed perceptions of the Supreme Court’s ideology. A plurality (40%) now say the court is middle of the road, while 24% say it is liberal and about the same share (22%) says it is conservative.

But conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats have very different impressions of the ideology of the Roberts Court. About as many conservative Republicans say the Supreme Court is liberal (45%) as middle of the road (39%). Very few conservative Republicans, just 9%, say the court is conservative.

Nearly half of liberal Democrats (48%) say the Supreme Court is conservative; 31% say it is middle of the road and just 15% view the court’s ideology as liberal. Both overall public views of the court’s ideology as well as the partisan and ideological differences in those views are little changed since 2012.

At a time when the Republican Party’s image is at a historic low, 62% of the public says the GOP is out of touch with the American people, 56% think it is not open to change and 52% say the party is too extreme.

Opinions about the Democratic Party are mixed, but the party is viewed more positively than the GOP in every dimension tested except one. Somewhat more say the Republican Party than the Democratic Party has strong principles (63% vs. 57%).

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted Feb. 13-18 among 1,504 adults, comes at a time when Republican leaders are debating the party’s future in the wake of Barack Obama’s reelection. The Republican Party’s image has been hit hard over the past decade. In January, just 33% said they viewed the party favorably, among the lowest marks of the last 20 years. The GOP’s favorable rating has not been above 50% since shortly after George W. Bush’s reelection in 2004.

An earlier release from the survey by the Pew Research Center and USA TODAY found that while both party’s congressional leaders receive negative job ratings, just 25% approve of the job performance of GOP leaders, compared with 37% approval for Democratic congressional leaders.

The new report finds that while the Democratic Party is viewed more positively on most traits tested, opinion is divided about whether the party is out of touch with the American people: 46% say it is, while 50% it is not. And only somewhat more say the Democratic Party is looking out for the country’s future than say that about the Republican Party (51% vs. 45%).

Republicans More Critical of Their Party

Republicans are more critical of their party than Democrats are of theirs on most issues. For example, 36% of Republicans say the GOP is out of touch with the American people. Just 23% of Democrats say their party is out of touch. And while 30% of Republicans say their party is not open to change, just 10% of Democrats make the same criticism of their party.

However, Republicans overwhelmingly credit their party for having strong principles; 85% say the GOP has strong principles while 13% say it does not. And 80% of Republicans say their party is looking out for the country’s long-term future.

The GOP also gets high marks from independents and Democrats for having strong principles. Fully 62% of independents say the Republican Party has strong principles, the most positive measure for any party trait tested. Even about half of Democrats (52%) say the Republican Party has strong principles.

Partisan views about whether the Republican Party is too extreme are mirror images: 78% of Republicans say the GOP is not too extreme, while 19% say it is; 78% of Democrats view the Republican Party as too extreme while 19% disagree.

Democrats express highly positive views of their party across-the-board, while Republicans’ opinions about the Democratic Party are uniformly negative. At least 80% of Democrats evaluate their party positively on every trait except one, being out of touch with the American people. Even there, 76% of Democrats say their party is not out of touch, while just 23% say it is.

Far more independents say the Democratic Party is open to change than say that about the Republican Party (54% vs. 39%). The gap is roughly the same in independents’ views about whether the parties are out of touch (65% Republican vs. 51% Democratic) and too extreme (51% vs. 40%).

However, independents are divided over whether the Democratic Party looks out for the country’s future: 45% say it does and 51% say it does not. Independents have similar views about whether the Republican Party looks out for the future (43% yes, 51% no).

About a quarter of independents (27%) say that neither party is looking out for the country’s future. An even higher percentage of independents (37%) say that both parties are out of touch with the American people.

Overall Views of Parties

The Republican Party’s overall image stands at one of the lowest points in nearly two decades. And, while impressions of the Democratic Party are much stronger, they are far below where they were four years ago.

In January, 33% of the public had a favorable view of the GOP, compared with 58% who held an unfavorable impression of the party. Among Republicans themselves, 69% had a favorable impression, down from a recent high of 89% reported after the GOP convention. Majorities of both Democrats and independents viewed the Republican Party unfavorably (83% and 58%, respectively).

Views of the Democratic Party were evenly divided in January: 47% favorable, 46% unfavorable. Among Democrats, 87% had a favorable impression of their party while roughly the same percentage of Republicans held an unfavorable view (84%). Independents, on balance, had more unfavorable impressions of the Democratic Party (52%) than favorable ones (37%).

As Barack Obama begins his second term in office, trust in the federal government remains mired near a historic low, while frustration with government remains high. And for the first time, a majority of the public says that the federal government threatens their personal rights and freedoms.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Jan. 9-13 among 1,502 adults, finds that 53% think that the federal government threatens their own personal rights and freedoms while 43% disagree.

In March 2010, opinions were divided over whether the government represented a threat to personal freedom; 47% said it did while 50% disagreed. In surveys between 1995 and 2003, majorities rejected the idea that the government threatened people’s rights and freedoms.

The growing view that the federal government threatens personal rights and freedoms has been led by conservative Republicans. Currently 76% of conservative Republicans say that the federal government threatens their personal rights and freedoms and 54% describe the government as a “major” threat. Three years ago, 62% of conservative Republicans said the government was a threat to their freedom; 47% said it was a major threat.

By comparison, there has been little change in opinions among Democrats; 38% say the government poses a threat to personal rights and freedoms and just 16% view it as a major threat.

People who say they have guns in their households continue to be more likely than those who do not to say that the government is a threat to their personal rights and freedoms. About six-in-ten (62%) in gun-owning households see the government as a threat, compared with 45% of those without guns; this gap is no larger today than it was three years ago.

The survey finds continued widespread distrust in government. About a quarter of Americans (26%) trust the government in Washington to do the right thing just about always or most of the time; 73% say they can trust the government only some of the time or volunteer that they can never trust the government. Explore a Pew Research interactive on Public Trust in Government: 1958-2013.

Just 20% of Americans say they are basically content with the federal government; 58% say they are frustrated while 19% say they are angry. For the most part, these views have changed little during Obama’s presidency. However, the percentage saying they are content with government sank to a low of just 11% in August 2011, following protracted negotiations between the president and congressional leaders over raising the debt ceiling. The same survey found that the percentage expressing anger at government had reached 26%, and just 19% said they trusted the government at least most of the time.

Views of Congress: Problem Lies with Members, Not the System

Opinions about Congress, while little changed over the past year, also remain very negative. Just 23% offer a favorable opinion of Congress, while 68% express an unfavorable view. Favorable views of Congress hit 50% in spring 2009 but subsequently have plummeted.

For two decades between 1985 and 2005 Congress was generally viewed more favorably than unfavorably. The low point during that period came in the fall of 1995 – just prior to the government shutdown of that year – when 42% offered a favorable opinion of Congress.

When asked if the current problem with Congress is a broken political system, or the members themselves, most people continue to point to the lawmakers. A majority (56%) says that the political system can work fine, it is the members of Congress that are the problem. Only about a third (32%) says that lawmakers have good intentions and it is political system that is broken.

At a time when there are wide partisan differences in opinions about government, there is broad agreement that members of Congress are the problem. Virtually identical majorities of Republicans (58%), Democrats (57%) and independents (56%) say that lawmakers, rather than the political system, are the problem with Congress.

Government Viewed as ‘Threat’

Overall, 53% of Americans think that the federal government threatens their own rights and freedoms; 31% say it is major threat, while 22% say it a minor threat. Roughly three-quarters (76%) of conservative Republicans say that the government threatens their personal rights, and most (54%) say the government poses a major threat, by far the highest percentage of any ideological group.

Among moderate and liberal Republicans, 57% view the federal government as a threat to personal rights and freedoms and just 32% say it is a major threat. These opinions, like those among Democrats and independents, are little changed from March 2010.

Trust in Government Remains Low

For the past seven years, a period covering the final two years of the Bush administration and Obama’s entire presidency, no more than about three-in-ten Americans have said that they trust the government in Washington to do the right thing always or most of the time.

The current survey finds only about quarter (26%) saying they can trust the government always or most of the time, while nearly three-quarters (73%) say that they can trust government only some of the time, or volunteer than they can never trust the government.

Majorities across all partisan and demographic groups express little or no trust in government. However, there continue to be sizable racial, age and partisan differences in these opinions.

More than twice as many Hispanics as whites trust the federal government (44% vs. 20%); among blacks, 38% say they can trust the government always or most of the time.

People younger than 30 have more trust in government than do those older than 30. And far more Democrats (38%) than independents (21%) or Republicans (15%) say they can trust the government at least most of the time.

The Pew Research Center’s 2010 study of attitudes toward government found that, since the 1950s, the party in control of the White House has expressed more trust in government than the so-called “out party.” But partisan differences in trust in government have been much wider during the Bush and Obama administrations than during previous administrations. For more, see “Distrust, Discontent and Partisan Anger: The People and Their Government,” April 18, 2010.

Frustration with Government Is Nothing New

Public frustration with the federal government is not new. Since 1997, only once has a majority said they were “basically content” with the government – in November 2001, two months after the 9/11 terrorist attacks.

Over this 15-year period, majorities have consistently said they are frustrated with government, with smaller percentages expressing anger. The percentage saying they are angry at the government reached a high of 26% in August 2011, following the deal to lift the debt ceiling. Currently, 19% feel angry at government, 58% are frustrated, while 20% are basically content.

Conservative Republicans are more likely to say they are angry at the government: 31% say they are angry, compared with 17% of moderate and liberal Republicans and much smaller percentages of Democrats.

In October 2006, during George W. Bush’s second term, those at the opposite end of the ideological spectrum – liberal Democrats – were most angry at government. At that time, 44% of liberal Democrats said they were angry at the federal government, far higher than the share of conservative Republicans expressing anger today.

]]> http://www.people-press.org/2013/01/31/majority-says-the-federal-government-threatens-their-personal-rights/feed/ 0 http://www.people-press.org/2013/01/31/trust-in-government-interactive/ http://www.people-press.org/2013/01/31/trust-in-government-interactive/#comments Thu, 31 Jan 2013 15:57:21 +0000 Pew Research Center for the People and the Press http://www.people-press.org/?p=20049759 As Barack Obama begins his second term in office, trust in federal government remains mired near a historic low and frustration with government remains high.

Explore public attitudes towards the federal government over time and compare the data with other key national indicators, such as consumer sentiment, the unemployment rate and changes within the elected leadership.

This interactive cannot be run in Internet Explorer 8 and below. If possible, please consider upgrading your browser to IE9 or IE10.

Sources: Pew Research Center, National Election Studies, Gallup, ABC/Washington Post, CBS/New York Times, and CNN Polls. From 1976-2010 the trend line represents a three-survey moving average. For party analysis, selected datasets obtained from searches of the iPOLL Databank provided by the Roper Center for Public Opinion Research, University of Connecticut.

Explore more trends in our Data section.

]]> http://www.people-press.org/2013/01/31/trust-in-government-interactive/feed/ 0 http://www.people-press.org/2012/12/17/pew-research-year-in-review/ http://www.people-press.org/2012/12/17/pew-research-year-in-review/#comments Mon, 17 Dec 2012 17:38:08 +0000 Pew Research Center for the People and the Press http://www.people-press.org/?p=20048095 ]]> http://www.people-press.org/2012/12/17/pew-research-year-in-review/feed/ 0 http://www.people-press.org/2012/11/07/a-comparison-of-results-from-surveys-by-the-pew-research-center-and-google-consumer-surveys/ http://www.people-press.org/2012/11/07/a-comparison-of-results-from-surveys-by-the-pew-research-center-and-google-consumer-surveys/#comments Wed, 07 Nov 2012 22:07:38 +0000 Pew Research Center for the People and the Press http://www.people-press.org/?p=20047364 As internet use grows– whether through a traditional computer, tablet, gaming device or cell phone – new techniques are being developed to conduct social research and measure people’s behavior and opinion while they are online. The Pew Research Center has been exploring these new techniques for measuring public opinion and critically evaluating how they compare to more traditional methodologies.

This report examines Google Consumer Surveys, a new tool developed by Google that interviews a stratified sample of internet users from a diverse group of about 80 publisher sites who allow Google to ask one or two questions of selected visitors as they seek to view content on the site. The sample is stratified on age, gender and location; these demographic characteristics are inferred based on the types of websites the users visit, as recorded in their DoubleClick advertising cookie and their computer’s internet address, and then is weighted by these same characteristics to parameters for all internet users from the Current Population Survey. It is neither an “opt in” survey nor a recruited panel but does not constitute a probability sample of all internet users.

The Pew Research Center remains committed to rigorous, probability-based sampling and to dual frame telephone surveys for measuring public opinion, tracking long-term trends and conducting in-depth analyses of the interrelationship of demographic characteristics and social and political values and attitudes. We continue to evaluate the performance of dual frame telephone surveys, as in our study of the impact of survey nonresponse earlier this year. It showed that “despite declining response rates, telephone surveys that include landlines and cell phones and are weighted to match the demographic composition of the population continue to provide accurate data on most political, social and economic measures.”

It is important to critically evaluate new methodologies, as our traditional methods face growing challenges, especially increasing nonresponse and rising costs. To evaluate the results obtained using Google Consumer Surveys, the Pew Research Center, in consultation with Google, embarked on a series of tests covering a wide range of topics and question types to compare results from Pew Research telephone surveys to those obtained using the Google Consumer Surveys method. This testing is ongoing. This report describes the findings of the evaluation thus far and provides a description of the Google Consumer Surveys methodology. The analysis and conclusions are solely those of the Pew Research Center.

Pew Research and Google Comparisons

From May to October, 2012, the Pew Research Center compared results for more than 40 questions asked in dual frame telephone surveys to those obtained using Google Consumer Surveys. Questions across a variety of subject areas were tested, including: demographic characteristics, technology use, political attitudes and behavior, domestic and foreign policy and civic engagement. Across these various types of questions, the median difference between 43 results obtained from Pew Research surveys and using Google Consumer Surveys was 3 percentage points. The mean difference was 6 points, which was a result of several sizeable differences that ranged from 10-21 points and served to increase the mean difference.

Differences between the Pew Research surveys and Google results occur for a number of reasons. Given that Google Consumer Surveys does not use a true probability sampling method, and its sampling frame is not of the general public, differences in the composition of the sample are potentially of greatest concern. A comparison of several demographic questions asked by Pew Research indicates that the Google Consumer Surveys sample appears to conform closely to the demographic composition of the overall internet population. Communication device ownership and internet use also aligns well for most, though not all, questions. In addition, there is little evidence so far that the Google Consumer Surveys sample is biased toward heavy internet users.

Some of the differences between results obtained from the two methodologies can be attributed to variations in how the questions were structured and administered. During the evaluation period, we typically tried to match the question wording and format. However, some exceptions had to be made since many of the questions were part of longstanding Pew Research trends and had to be modified to fit within the Google Consumer Surveys limits and the different mode of administration (online self-administered vs. interview-administered by telephone).

The context in which questions are asked could also explain some of the differences; questions in Pew Research surveys are asked as part of a larger survey in which earlier questions may influence those asked later in the survey. By contrast, only one or two questions are administered at a time to the same respondents in the Google Consumer Surveys method.

The Google Consumer Surveys method is a work in progress and the Pew Research Center’s evaluation began shortly after its inception and continued for six months. The testing is ongoing, and we will continue to evaluate their methodology.

Methodology of the Google Consumer Surveys

The Google Consumer Survey method samples internet users by selecting visitors to publisher websites that have agreed to allow Google to administer one or two questions to their users. There are currently about 80 sites in their network (and 33 more currently in testing). These include a mix of large and small publishers (such as New York Daily News, Christian Science Monitor, Reader’s Digest, Lima, Ohio News and the Texas Tribune), as well as sites such as YouTube, Pandora and others. Google is attempting to assemble a diverse publisher network covering a range of content (e.g., news, reference, arts and entertainment), size and geography. The results page for each question shows the proportion of respondents from these publisher content groups. Google excludes publishers whose sites include or link to various types of potentially offensive content. (See McDonald et al. for further information about the methodology, as well as a report on Google’s own comparison of results with external benchmarks.)

Google Consumer Surveys selects potential respondents by using inferred characteristics of visitors to the network of publisher sites to attempt to create a sample of internet users that matches national parameters for age, gender and location for the internet using population, based on estimates derived from the Census Bureau’s 2010 Current Population Survey’s Internet Use Supplement. In a stratified-sampling process, the selection of respondents, done in real-time by computer algorithms, attempts to fill each survey with the proper proportion of individuals by age, gender and location (region, state and/or zipcode) needed for all active surveys. For example, if a male in the 18-24 age group living in the Western U.S. visits a publisher in the network and is available to receive a survey, the system will randomly select among the available questions to present to that user. Users are selected by the system and cannot opt in to any survey.

Although respondents cannot volunteer to take part in the study, the resulting sample is a non-probability sample of internet users. It is unknown whether visitors to the network of publisher sites are fully representative of all internet users or what proportion of internet users are covered by the publisher network. All members of the internet using population do not have a known chance of being included in the sample. As a result, no meaningful margin of error can be calculated for projecting the results to the internet population. In addition, the non-probability sampling may result in more variation from sample to sample.

The demographic targeting used in selecting respondents is based on inferred information. Geography is inferred through a respondent’s IP address, while gender and age are inferred based on the types of websites the users visit as recorded in their DoubleClick advertising cookie. The system also deposits a short-term cookie to prevent users from being asked to participate in the same survey more than once. Errors associated with inferred demographic characteristics can influence the sampling and weighting process, even if these inferred demographics are not used in the analysis. For approximately 30-40% of the users, demographic information is not available – either because their cookies are turned off but more often because the algorithm cannot determine a trend from the websites visited as recorded in their DoubleClick advertising cookie that would suggest what gender or age they are. For results reported on the weighted sample, respondents without inferred demographic information on the variables used in weighting are excluded.

Weighting is done with multiple-cell crosstabs, where the sample size permits, that combine age, gender and location (state or region depending on the most specific geography for which a reliable estimate is available). If some variables are not available, the weighting will adjust to use any of the three characteristics that are available.

The point at which users receive the question prompt varies by publisher site. For example, questions may appear after a user attempts to access any content, views a certain number of articles or attempts to access particular types of content (such as a photo gallery). Users may complete the initial question shown to them, request an alternative question, complete some other action (such as logging into an account, signing up to receive emails, or sharing the content on social media), or decide not to view the content on that site.

Only one or two questions can be administered to the same respondent and currently there is no ability to administer questions to the same respondents over time. This may increase response rates by reducing respondent burden, but is also one of the key limitations of the Google Consumer Surveys method. Much of the political and social research conducted using survey data seeks to explore the relationship among attitudes and behaviors; such analyses require multiple questions to be asked of the same respondent. Similarly, the ability to administer only one or two questions to the same respondent means that few measures of demographic characteristics are available for analysis.

It is also difficult to ask complex questions using the Google Consumer Surveys platform. There is a limit of 125 characters on question stems and 44 characters on response options. In addition, a maximum of five response categories can be offered. These limitations mean that longer questions cannot be asked or have to be substantially modified, potentially affecting how people comprehend and answer the question.

The brevity of a Google survey does confer one important advantage, which is that surveys can be fielded very quickly: 1,000 or more responses can be obtained in a matter of a few hours, though most surveys typically run for one or two days. Consequently, Google Consumer Surveys can be used for gathering immediate reactions to events that would be difficult and expensive to measure using telephone surveys and for tracking reactions to measure how they evolve in the short and long term. These include qualitative responses to events, such as verbatim or “one word” reactions.

Demographic Characteristics

Based on tests of several demographic variables, the profile of internet users who respond to Google Consumer Surveys is similar to that of internet users in Pew Research Center surveys. The profile of Google Consumer Surveys respondents shown here is not based on Google’s inferred demographic information, but on demographic questions that were asked of respondents to Google Consumer Surveys.

As discussed in more detail below, there can be substantial errors in how individual people are classified using Google’s inferred demographics (See “Assessing Google’s Inferred Demographics” below.) But in this test, Google Consumer Surveys achieved a representative sample of internet users on gender, age, race/ethnicity, marital status and home ownership when compared with internet users in Pew Research Center surveys.

The gender balance and age profile of internet users in Pew Research surveys and Google Consumer Surveys were fairly similar. In addition, both Google Consumer Surveys and Pew Research reached a similar share of white and non-white internet users.

Each source found that about half of internet users are married while about half are not, and the specific status of the unmarried (widowed, divorced, never married or living with a partner) also were very similar. And in both the Pew Research survey and the Google Consumer Surveys, 63% of internet users said they owned their home.

Weekly church attendance among internet users was comparable in the Pew Research survey and the Google Consumer Surveys. Volunteerism rates were similar in both surveys, although slightly more internet users say they volunteered in the past 12 months in the Pew Research survey than using Google Consumer Surveys (51% vs. 45%).

On two other measures of social and political engagement – talking with neighbors and contacting a public official – there were substantial differences between the results from the Pew Research and Google survey. Nearly six-in-10 (58%) in the Pew Research survey say they talk with their neighbors weekly or more, compared with 43% using Google Consumer Surveys. Nearly twice as many in the Pew Research survey as in the Google surveys said they contacted a public official in the past 12 months (34% vs. 18%). On both of these measures, however, Google results were closer to the estimates from the Current Population Survey’s Civic Engagement Supplement.

Internet and Technology Use

Given the Google surveys’ reliance on internet users visiting particular websites, it is especially important to determine the extent to which internet and technology use among Google’s respondents conforms to the broader population of internet users. Google’s own analysis of visitors to the Google Consumer Surveys publisher network shows that heavier internet users are more likely to appear, but the magnitude of this bias is relatively small. Comparisons of measures of device ownership and internet use in Pew Research surveys and Google Consumer Surveys confirm this.

In general, the percentage who said they owned particular devices and engaged in various online activities were fairly similar in the Pew Research surveys and the Google Consumer Surveys. The percentages of internet users saying they owned a tablet and e-readers were about the same in both the Pew Research survey and Google Consumer Surveys.

In the Pew Research survey, 15% of internet users said they use Twitter, compared with 18% using Google Consumer Surveys. The number saying they donated to charity online also was comparable; 25% in the Pew Research survey and 28% using Google Consumer Surveys. Social networking use was somewhat lower in the Google Consumer Surveys (57%) than in the Pew Research survey (63%), as was getting news online (70% vs. 77%, respectively).

However, there was a difference in smartphone ownership and searching for health information online. Google’s samples reported lower levels of smartphone ownership, when asked in the same way as in the Pew Research survey, and fewer said they searched for health information online.

The Pew Research question on smartphone ownership asks “Do you currently own a smartphone, such as a Blackberry, iPhone, Android or Windows phone?” In response, 55% of internet users in a telephone survey said that they did, compared with 39% in a Google survey. However, in a separate test using different question wording, respondents were asked “What type of mobile phone do you currently own?” and were offered Android, iPhone, Blackberry, Windows phone and “other type of mobile phone” as separate choices. In this version, 53% of Google respondents reported having one of the types of smartphones.

There also was a large difference in the percentage who said they looked for health or medical information online; in a Pew Research survey 71% of internet users said they did this, compared with 52% in a Google survey.

Political Attitudes and Policy Views

Across several political measures, the results from the Pew Research Center and using Google Consumer Surveys were broadly similar, though some larger differences were observed.

On party identification, the Google sample included slightly more Republicans (27% vs. 24%) and more conservatives (40% vs. 36%) than the Pew Research survey’s sample. Similarly, ratings of Obama’s job approval were more negative using Google Consumer Surveys (at the time, 45% vs. 50% approved of Obama job performance). In a September comparison, more voters reached using Google Consumer Surveys supported Obama’s re-election than in the Pew Research survey (57% vs. 51%).

Views about the size and role of government were similar in a Pew Research survey and the Google survey. In both, more respondents said they prefer a smaller government providing fewer surveys than a bigger government providing more services.

Reported frequency of voting also was little different in the Google Consumer Surveys and the Pew Research survey. A majority of respondents to the Pew Research survey (69%) reported voting always or nearly always, compared with 65% in a Google survey.

There were larger differences between the Pew Research results and those obtained using Google Consumer Surveys on several domestic policy issues tested. But taken collectively, the direction of the differences were not consistently in a liberal or a conservative direction. On the issue of same-sex marriage, opinion was more divided in the Pew Research survey than in the Google survey. In the Pew Research survey, 48% favored and 44% opposed allowing gays and lesbians to marry legally. In the Google survey, more favored allowing same-sex marriage, by a 59% to 41% margin.

The Pew Research survey found more support for Obama’s policy to allow illegal immigrants brought to the U.S. as children to remain in the country and apply for work permits (63% approve vs. 33% disapprove) than using Google Consumer Surveys (52% approve, 48% disapprove).

Opinion about the health care legislation passed by Obama and Congress in 2010 was divided in the Pew Research and Google surveys, both before and after the Supreme Court ruling upholding most of the legislation. The results of the two surveys were similar, especially after accounting for possible mode differences.

On the issue of global warming, more in the Pew Research survey said there is solid evidence that the average temperature on earth has been warming over the past few decades (67% vs. 57% using Google Consumer Surveys). But the percentage of people saying that warming is occurring mostly because of human activity was similar in the two surveys.

Across a variety of foreign policy issues, results from the Pew Research surveys and those obtained using the Google Consumer Surveys method were quite comparable. When it comes to economic and trade policy toward China, slightly more respondents in both said that it is more important to get tougher with China than to build a stronger relationship with China,

On the issue of withdrawing U.S. troops from Afghanistan, similar percentages in both said Obama is handling this about right. But more said that Obama was not removing troops quickly enough in the Google survey (36% vs. 28% in the Pew Research survey). A majority of the public approved of the use of drones to target terrorists in other countries in both approaches, but support was somewhat higher using Google Consumer Surveys than in the Pew Research survey (63% vs. 55%).

By about two-to-one, in both surveys, more said that good diplomacy rather than military strength is the best way to ensure peace. This was tested in two versions of a long-term trend question about political values. One version, which the Pew Research Center began tracking in 1987, asks if the respondent agrees or disagrees that “the best way to achieve peace is through military strength.” The other asks respondents to choose between two alternatives: one is the same as the original question, while the other is that “good diplomacy is the best way to achieve peace.” In Pew Research telephone surveys, fewer respondents chose military strength in the forced choice format, compared with the agree/disagree format. For both versions of the question, Google Consumer Surveys produced nearly identical results to the telephone surveys.

Reactions to the Presidential Debates

In a series of tests after each presidential debate, the Pew Research surveys and Google Consumer Surveys produced similar reactions. Both approaches found that Romney was widely viewed by registered voters who watched the debate as doing the better job. Romney had a 72% to 20% margin over Obama in the Pew Research survey on who did the better job in the first debate.

Similarly, Romney had a 57% to 16% lead over Obama according to the Google Consumer Surveys reaction, with 27% saying both candidates did about the same. In the Google reactions, Romney’s lead widened from the night of the debate to the next day.

By contrast, Obama was seen as winning the second debate and third debates, but by more modest margins. By a 48% to 37% margin, more debate watchers said in the Pew Research survey that Obama did the better job in the second debate. The Google Consumer Surveys reaction showed similar results: 50% said Obama did the better job while 32% said Romney did the better job. Views about who did the better job in the second debate changed little from the night of the debate through the following weekend.

Registered voters who watched the second debate also were asked using Google Consumer Surveys for a one-word impression of Obama and Romney in the debate. The top reactions to Obama’s performance included “liar,” “great,” “president” and “strong.” For Romney, the top reactions included “presidential,” “liar,” “awesome” and “great.”

Both the Pew Research survey and Google Consumer Survey showed Obama winning the third presidential debate, but the margin was much wider in the Pew Research survey. In the Pew Research survey, voters by a 52% to 36% margin said Obama did the better job. The Google survey found 43% of voters saying Obama did a better job vs. 37% for Romney.

The public’s reaction to the vice-presidential debate was divided in both the Pew Research survey and Google Consumer Survey. Among voters who watched the vice-presidential debate, 47% said Joe Biden did the better job while 46% said Paul Ryan did the better job, according to the Pew Research survey conducted Oct. 12-14. The Google Consumer Surveys reaction, conducted over a similar period, also found a divided reaction to the vice-presidential debate; 38% said Biden did the better job while 42% chose Ryan; 20% said they did the same.

Assessing Google’s Inferred Demographics

The demographic characteristics Google uses in sampling and weighting and what it provides for use in analysis are inferred based on information about the types of websites respondents have visited as recorded in their DoubleClick advertising cookie. But there is no publically available analysis of how well these inferred demographics match up to actual demographic information as reported by respondents. To assess this, Google Consumer Survey respondents were asked their gender and age so that the survey responses could be compared to the inferred data.

For 75% of respondents, the inferred gender matched their survey response. About eight-in-ten whom Google inferred were men (79%) said they were male when asked. Similarly, 72% of women based on Google’s inferred information said they were female when asked. Among those for whom Google did not infer gender, 58% said they were male and 42% female.

For age, the pattern is more mixed. Because Google limits the number of response categories for an individual question to five but provides inferred age in six categories, age was asked twice, of separate samples of respondents, collapsing different age categories for each.

In the first comparison, from 23% to 65% report an age that was in the same category as their inferred age, that averages to about 44% among all respondents. But when adjacent age categories also are included, about 76% report an age that is the same or close to their inferred age by Google.

Although there are errors at the individual respondent level in Google’s inferred demographic information, especially for those in the middle age-ranges, correlations between substantive questions and gender and age are consistent with those found in Pew Research surveys.

For example, on the question of whether people prefer a smaller government or a bigger government, more men than women said they prefer a smaller government in both the Pew Research survey and the Google survey. The age pattern also was similar, with younger people being less likely in both surveys to prefer a smaller government.

In both surveys, men and women were about equally likely to say they always vote. And in both the Pew Research survey and the Google survey younger people were far less likely than older people to say they always vote.

The age pattern on presidential approval was quite similar in the Pew Research survey and Google Consumer Surveys; young people were more likely to approve of the job Obama is doing as president in both samples. However, fewer older people using Google Consumer Surveys approved of Obama’s job performance than in the Pew Research survey.

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