Broad majorities continue to oppose the U.S. and its allies sending arms and military supplies to anti-government groups in Syria. Last Thursday’s announcement that the U.S. would aid the rebels has not increased public support for action, and majorities of all partisan groups are opposed.

Overall, 70% oppose the U.S. and its allies sending arms and military supplies to anti-government groups in Syria; just 20% favor this. Opinion is little changed from December of last year (24% favor) and support is down slightly from March, 2012 (29% favor).

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted June 12-16 among 1,512 adults, finds a major factor in overall attitudes about Syria is the impression that the U.S. military is already stretched thin. About two-thirds (68%) say the U.S. is too overcommitted to get involved in another conflict, and just 27% disagree. The public also has questions about the opposition groups in Syria: 60% say that they may be no better than the current government.

At the same time, the public does not reject a key argument for involvement in Syria: by a 53%-36% margin, most agree that it is important for the U.S. to support people who oppose authoritarian regimes.

The public is divided over whether the U.S. has a moral obligation to do what it can to stop the violence in Syria: 49% agree, 46% disagree.

Most Republicans and Democrats Oppose Arming Rebels

There is very little partisan divide in attitudes about the conflict in Syria. Majorities of independents (74%), Republicans (71%) and Democrats (66%) oppose the U.S. and its allies sending arms and military supplies to anti-government groups in Syria.

Nearly identical majorities of Democrats (69%), independents (69%) and Republicans (68%) also believe that U.S. military forces are too overcommitted to get involved in another conflict.

Independents (66%) and Republicans (64%) are most concerned that the opposition groups in Syria may be no better than the current government, but 52% of Democrats also agree with this statement.

By a 58%-38% margin, more Democrats agree than disagree that the U.S. has a moral obligation to do what it can to stop the violence in Syria. Republicans are split with 49% saying the U.S. has a moral obligation to do what it can to stop the violence, and 48% saying it does not have this responsibility. Most independents (53%) disagree that the U.S. has a moral obligation to stop the violence in Syria.

The survey, conducted from Wednesday, June 12 through Sunday, June 16, found no significant trend in opinion about Syria over the course of the five nights of fieldwork. In the first two nights of interviewing 69% opposed arming Syrian rebels, in the final three nights of fieldwork 71% were opposed.

Low Public Interest in Syria News

Even amidst developments on the ground in Syria and the announcement of U.S. plans to aid anti-government groups there, the public continues to pay very little attention to news about Syria. In a separate survey conducted Thursday through Sunday, just 15% say they are following news about charges that Syria has used chemical weapons against anti-government groups very closely, far fewer than are following other stories such as the government’s collection of communication information (35%) and news about the national economy (30%). In fact, 33% say they are following news about Syria not at all closely.

Partisans express similarly low levels of interest in the conflict in Syria. Just 12% of Democrats, 14% of Republicans and 17% of independents say they are following charges that Syria used chemical weapons very closely.

Those Who Favor Arming Rebels Also Have Concerns

The 20% of the public that favors arming anti-government groups in Syria also expresses concerns about the U.S. getting involved. More than half (56%) of those who favor arming rebels agree with the statement that U.S. military forces are too overcommitted to get involved in another conflict, and 55% agree that the opposition groups in Syria may be no better than the current government. However, far larger majorities agree that it is important for the U.S. to support people who oppose authoritarian regimes (76%) and that the U.S. has a moral obligation to do what it can to stop the violence in Syria (75%).

To a lesser extent, those who oppose arming the rebels are sympathetic to some arguments for greater U.S. involvement in Syria. About half of those who oppose arming rebels (48%) agree that it is important for the U.S. to support people who oppose authoritarian regimes; 41% say the U.S. has a moral obligation to do what it can to stop the violence in Syria.

By a 45% to 31% margin, more Americans favor than oppose the U.S. and its allies taking military action against Syria, if it is confirmed that Syria used chemical weapons against anti-government groups.

Public interest in the Syrian conflict remains low, and nearly a quarter of Americans (23%) have no opinion about the use of military force in Syria.

Nonetheless, the new survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted April 25-28 among 1,003 adults, finds more public willingness to consider the use of force in Syria than did previous surveys that made no mention of the Syrian government’s alleged use of chemical weapons. In December, just 27% then said the U.S. had a responsibility to do something about fighting between the Syrian government and anti-government groups.

The survey finds that just 18% followed news about the charges that Syria used chemical weapons against anti-government groups very closely, which is little changed from interest in the Syrian conflict over the past two years.

Those who tracked news about the chemical weapons charges very closely favor the U.S. and its allies taking military action against Syria by nearly two-to-one (55% to 28%). Among those who followed Syrian news less closely, 44% favor the use of military force while 32% are opposed.

By 56% to 24%, Republicans favor the use of military force against Syria if the charges that it used chemical weapons are proven. There is less support among Democrats (46% favor vs. 34% oppose) and independents (41% favor vs. 36% oppose).

Little Interest in Syria News

Since the Syrian conflict began in 2011, it has never drawn much attention from the U.S. public. At most, only about one-in-five have tracked developments in Syria very closely.

The new survey, which asked specifically about allegations that the Syrian government used chemical weapons against anti-government groups, finds that 18% say they followed this news very closely while 25% followed it fairly closely. A majority followed the chemical weapons charges not too closely (24%) or not at all closely (33%).

Other recent news stories have drawn far more public interest. A week ago, 63% say they followed news about the bombings at the Boston Marathon very closely; this week, 49% paid very close attention to the investigation into the bombings. Other domestic news stories over the past two months, including the debate over gun control (39% followed very closely), news about the economy (35%) and the budget sequester (31%) also attracted more interest than news about Syria.

Among recent foreign news stories, North Korea’s recent nuclear threats against the U.S. drew twice as much interest as charges that Syria used chemical weapons (36% vs. 18%). However, the percentage paying very close attention to news about Syria is on par with interest in news about the situation in Afghanistan (16% very closely).

As Barack Obama arrives in the Middle East this week, the sympathies of the American public remain firmly with Israel in its dispute with the Palestinians. And when it comes to Iran, the public continues to say it is more important to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons than to avoid a military conflict.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted March 13-17 among 1,501 adults, finds that 49% say they sympathize more with Israel, while just 12% sympathize more with the Palestinians and the same percentage (12%) volunteers that they sympathize with neither side.

Dating back to 1978, just prior to the peace agreement between Israel and Egypt, the public has consistently sympathized more with Israel than the Palestinians. But the partisan differences in sympathies are much wider today than they were 35 years ago.

In the current survey, 66% of Republicans say they sympathize more with Israel than the Palestinians, compared with 49% of independents and 39% of Democrats. In the 1978 survey, conducted by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, 49% of Republicans, 45% of independents and 44% of Democrats sympathized more with Israel than the Palestinians.

The survey finds that 21% of Americans say that Obama favors the Palestinians too much while 9% say he favors Israel too much; 41% say he is striking the right balance in the situation in the Middle East. The percentage saying Obama favors the Palestinians too much has changed little over the past four years.

About four-in-ten Republicans (39%) say Obama favors the Palestinians too much. That compares with 22% of independents and just 7% of Democrats.

Public Willing to Consider Force to Thwart Iran’s Nuclear Ambitions

Opinions about the use of military action to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons also have not changed much in recent years. Currently, 64% say it is more important to

prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, even if it means taking military action; 25% say it is more important to avoid a military conflict with Iran, even if it means they may develop nuclear weapons.

Majorities across nearly all demographic groups say it is more important to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, even if it means taking military action. Still, Republicans (80%) are more likely to express this view than either Democrats (62%) or independents (59%).

Middle East Sympathies

As in the past, there are sizable religious as well as partisan differences in Middle East sympathies. Fully 72% of white evangelical Protestants sympathize more with Israel, while just 8% say either that they sympathize more with the Palestinians (4%) or say they sympathize with neither Israel nor the Palestinians (4%). Most white Catholics (59%) also sympathize more with Israel. But just 37% of white mainline Protestants and 35% of the religiously unaffiliated sympathize more with Israel than the Palestinians.

Two-thirds of Republicans (66%) sympathize more with Israel, compared with 49% of independents and 39% of Democrats.

Age also is a factor in Middle East sympathies: Just 36% of those younger than 30 sympathize more with Israel, while 19% sympathize more with the Palestinians. A relatively large share of young people (37%) either offer no opinion (34%) or say they sympathize with both sides (3%). Among older age groups, there is more support for Israel: 47% of those 30 to 49 sympathize more with Israel than the Palestinians, as do majorities of those 50 to 64 (59%) and 65 and older (54%).

Discussion of the U.S.-Israeli relationship is likely to come to the fore with the nomination of former Nebraska senator Chuck Hagel as President Obama’s new secretary of defense. The choice of Hagel has drawn criticism from some of his former Republican colleagues on Capitol Hill, who have questioned whether he has been supportive enough of Israel.

In a Pew Research Center survey conducted last month (Dec. 5-9), 50% of adults said they sympathized more with Israel in its dispute with the Palestinians. Just 10% sympathized more with the Palestinians, while about as many (13%) volunteered that they sympathized with neither side.

Attitudes toward Israel and the Palestinians have become more divided along partisan lines: In December, 70% of Republicans sympathized with more Israel, while just 2% sympathized more with the Palestinians and 7% said they sympathized with neither side.

About four-in-ten Democrats (41%) sympathized more with Israel and 13% sympathized with the Palestinians. Democrats were more likely than Republicans to volunteer that they sympathized with neither side in the conflict (15% vs. 7% of Republicans) and to offer no opinion (27% vs. 18%).

The 29-point partisan gap in the percentages sympathizing more with Israel is about the same as it has been in recent years. But differences were more modest a decade ago, and in 1978, shortly after the Israel-Egypt peace agreement, the gap was just five points.

The differences have widened as Republican support for Israel has grown and Democratic opinion has been more stable. In December, 70% of Republicans sympathized more with Israel, compared with 56% in 2002 and 49% in 1978. Among Democrats, the most recent measure (41%) was little different from the percentage of Democrats who sympathized more with Israel in 2002 (37%) and 1978 (44%).

Mideast Sympathies: A Closer Look

Aside from the partisan gap in Mideast sympathies, there also are religious and age differences in these opinions. As in recent years, the December 2012 survey found that white evangelical Protestants were far more likely to sympathize more with Israel than were members of other religious groups.

Fully 67% of white evangelical Protestants said they sympathized more with Israel than the Palestinians. By contrast, only about half of white mainline Protestants and white Catholics (47% each) sympathized more with Israel. Among the religiously unaffiliated, 40% said their sympathies were more with Israel than the Palestinians.

Majorities of those 65 and older (58%) and those 50 to 64 (also 58%), sympathized more with Israel, compared with just 38% of those younger than 30.

While there was a sizable partisan gap in Middle East sympathies, both parties were also internally divided. Three-quarters of conservative Republicans (75%) sympathized more with Israel, compared with 60% of moderate and liberal Republicans. Among Democrats, 46% of the party’s conservatives and moderates said they sympathized more with Israel, compared with 33% of liberals.

Views of U.S. Support for Israel

Conservative Republicans also stand out for their belief that the United States has not been supportive enough of Israel. In a survey last October, fully 57% of conservative Republicans said the U.S. has not been supportive enough of Israel.

Across other political groups, majorities or pluralities said U.S. support for Israel was about right. Among moderate and liberal Republicans, 46% said U.S. support for Israel was about right; just 21% viewed it as inadequate – less than half the percentage among conservative Republicans.

Nearly half of white evangelical Protestants (46%) said that the United States had done too little to support Israel, by far the highest percentage of any religious group. No more than about a quarter in other religious groups said the United States was not supportive enough of Israel.

Pew Research Center Resources on Opinions about Israel and the Middle East

“Israel Support Unchanged in Wake of Gaza Conflict,” Dec. 14, 2012.

“Americans on Middle East Turmoil: Keep Us Out of It,” Dec. 14, 2012.

“On Eve of Foreign Debate, Growing Pessimism about Arab Spring Aftermath,” Oct. 18, 2012.

“A Global ‘No’ to a Nuclear-Armed Iran, May 18, 2012.

“Ideological Gaps over Israel on Both Sides of the Atlantic,” Jan. 29, 2009.

“A Six-Day War: Its Aftermath in American Public Opinion,” May 30, 2007.

As fighting in Syria rages on between government forces and anti-government groups, the public continues to say that the U.S. does not have a responsibility to do something about the fighting there. And there continues to be substantial opposition to sending arms to anti-government forces in Syria.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Dec. 5-9 among 1,503 adults, also finds little change in the public’s sympathies in the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians: 50% say they sympathize more with Israel while just 10% sympathize more with the Palestinians.

Only about quarter of Americans (27%) say the U.S. has a responsibility to do something about the fighting in Syria; more than twice as many (63%) say it does not. These views are virtually unchanged from March.

Similarly, just 24% favor the U.S. and its allies sending arms and military supplies to anti-government groups in Syria, while 65% are opposed. These opinions also are little changed from March.

Comparable majorities of Republicans (66%) , Democrats (61%) and independents (65%) say the U.S. does not have a responsibility to do something about the fighting in Syria, and all partisan groups also oppose arming anti-government groups.

Those who have heard a lot about the situation in Syria offer modestly more support for U.S. involvement than those who have heard less (35% vs. 22%), but still, on balance, say the U.S. does not have a responsibility to get involved.

Opinions about the United States’ responsibility to act in Syria are similar to views about obligation to act in Libya, before the U.S. and its allies launched airstrikes against Moammar Gadhafi’s forces. In March 2011, just 27% said the U.S. had a responsibility to do something about the fighting in Libya — the same percentage that says that about Syria today. Higher percentages said the U.S. had a responsibility to do something about the fighting in Darfur in 2006 (51%) and fighting between Serbs and Bosnians in Kosovo in 1999.

There has long been little public interest in the conflict in Syria. In a separate survey conducted last week (Dec. 6-9), just 19% say they are paying very close attention to political violence in Syria, while 28% say they are following this story fairly closely. About half (52%) are paying little or no attention to developments there.

Public Continues to Sympathize with Israel over Palestinians

For decades, the public has sympathized with Israel over the Palestinians and that remains the case today. Overall, 50% say they sympathize more with Israel, compared with just 10% who say they sympathize more with the Palestinians; almost a quarter (23%) do not offer an opinion while 13% volunteer that they sympathize with neither side, and 4% say both.

Attitudes on this question have been stable over the past six years, after showing more volatility in the middle of the last decade.

There continue to be stark partisan differences in Middle East sympathies. Conservative Republicans maintain strong support for Israel with fully 75% saying they sympathize with Israel compared with just 2% who sympathize with the Palestinians. By contrast, liberal Democrats are much more divided: 33% sympathize more with Israel, 22% with the Palestinians. Independents sympathize more with Israel by a 47% to 13% margin.

Among religious groups, white evangelical Protestants remain strongly supportive of Israel. Two-thirds (67%) say they sympathize more with Israel; only 5% say they sympathize more with the Palestinians. Opinion among other religious groups is more mixed. Catholics, for example, offer more sympathy for Israel than the Palestinians by a 44% to 11% margin.

There also are age differences in Mideast sympathies. About four-in-ten (38%) people younger than 30 sympathize more with Israel than the Palestinians. That is only slightly lower than the percentage of 30-49 year olds who sympathize with Israel (46%). However, more than half of those 50 and older (58%) sympathize with Israel more than the Palestinians. Age differences were more modest in 2011 and 2010.

As next week’s third and final presidential debate on foreign policy approaches, a national survey by the Pew Research Center finds increasing public pessimism about developments in the Middle East and more support for tough policies to deal with Iran’s nuclear program and economic issues with China. However, there is no change in the consensus in support for ending U.S. military involvement in Afghanistan.

Doubts have spread about the political direction of countries swept up in the Arab Spring protests that began almost two years ago. Nearly six-in-ten Americans (57%) do not believe the changes in the Middle East will lead to lasting improvements for people living in the affected countries, up sharply from 43% in April 2011.

And a majority of Americans (54%) continue to say it is more important to have stable governments in the Middle East, even if there is less democracy in the region. Just 30% say democratic governments are more important, even if there is less stability.

The public has long favored tough measures to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, and 56% now say it is more important to take a firm stand against Iran’s nuclear program, while 35% say it is more important to avoid a military conflict. In January, 50% favored taking a firm stand against Iran and 41% said it was more important to avoid a confrontation.

When it comes to China, 49% of Americans want the U.S. to get tougher with China on economic issues, compared with 42% who say it is more important to build a stronger relationship. In March 2011, the balance of opinion was the reverse: 53% said building a stronger relationship was more important while 40% advocated tougher policies.

The national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Oct. 4-7, 2012 among 1,511 adults, including 1,201 registered voters, finds that Barack Obama and Mitt Romney run about even on most foreign policy issues. On the question of who can do a better job making wise decisions about foreign policy, 47% of voters favor Obama and 43% Romney. This represents a substantial gain for Romney, who trailed Obama by 15 points on foreign policy issues in September. Romney gained on several domestic issues as well, including the deficit and jobs. (For more, see “Romney’s Strong Debate Performance Erases Obama’s Lead,” Oct. 8, 2012.)

Romney holds a nine-point lead over Obama on dealing with China’s trade policies (49% to 40%). Among independent voters, Romney holds a 16-point advantage (50% to 34%).

On dealing with other issues – Iran’s nuclear program and political instability in countries like Egypt and Libya – neither candidate has a clear advantage.

A separate survey finds that the public is divided over the Obama administration’s handling of last month’s terrorist attack on the U.S. consulate in Libya, which killed U.S. ambassador Chris Stevens and three other Americans. The administration’s handling of the attack became a major point of contention in the Oct. 16 debate between Obama and Romney.

About four-in-ten (38%) Americans disapprove of the Obama administration’s handling of the deadly terrorist attack on the U.S. consulate, while 35% approve. About a quarter (27%) express no opinion.

Skepticism about Changes in Middle East

A majority of Americans (54%) say it is more important to have stable governments in the Middle East, even if there is less democracy in the region, while 30% say it is more important to have democratic governments, even if there is less stability. The percentage prioritizing democracy in the region has slipped over the past year and a half. In March 2011, in the early days of the Arab Spring, 37% said democracy in the region was more important than stability.

There is little partisan difference on this question; both Republicans and Democrats place a higher priority on stability. Independents also prioritize stability over democracy in the Middle East (62% vs. 27%).

By more than two-to-one (57% to 25%), the public does not think changes in political leadership in Middle Eastern countries such as Libya and Egypt will lead to lasting improvements for the people living there. Wide majorities of Republicans (68%) and independents (60%) do not anticipate lasting improvements for the people living in these countries. Democrats are more divided: 37% say they will lead to lasting improvements, 45% say they will not.

While there is no public consensus on how changes in the Middle East are likely to affect the United States, few think the effects will be positive. Just 14% believe the leadership transitions in the region will be good for the United States, down from 24% in April 2011. More than twice as many (36%) say these changes will be bad for the United States, while 38% say they will have little effect.

Nearly half (49%) of Republicans say changes in the Middle East will end up being bad for the United States, while the plurality view among Democrats (48%) is that the effect for the U.S. will be minimal.

Public Favors Less U.S. Involvement in Region

More than six-in-ten (63%) say they think the U.S. should be less involved with changes of leadership in the Middle East, compared with just 23% who say the U.S. should be more involved.

Although Republicans are more likely than Democrats or independents to favor greater involvement, just 34% of Republicans advocate this (compared with 20% of Democrats and 19% of independents).

Mixed Approval of Administration’s Handling of Libya Attack

A separate survey, conducted Oct. 12-14 among 1,006 adults, finds that 38% disapprove of the Obama administration’s handling of the terrorist attack on the U.S. consulate in Libya, while 35% approve. About a quarter (27%) express no opinion.

The administration gets lower ratings from those who followed news about investigations into the embassy attack very or fairly closely. Among this group, 36% approve of the administration’s handling of the situation and 52% disapprove.

More Republicans (67%) followed news about the Libya investigations than did Democrats (53%) or independents (55%). However, looking only at independents, those who followed news about the Libya investigations disapprove of the administration’s handling of the situation by two-to-one (59% disapprove vs. 29% approve).

The survey finds particularly large partisan differences in attentiveness to specific aspects of the Libya situation. Republicans (47%) are far more likely than Democrats (19%) to say they heard a lot about reports that the U.S. embassy in Libya had requested more security prior to the attacks but did not receive it; about a third of independents (32%) heard a lot about this.

And 41% of Republicans say they heard a lot about incorrect statements by the administration that there were protests outside the embassy at the time of the attacks; that compares with just 17% of Democrats and 28% of independents.

More Want to Get Tougher on China

Since last year, the public’s priorities have shifted when it comes to economic and trade policy toward China. Currently, 49% say it is more important to get tougher with China on economic issues, while 42% say it is more important to build a stronger relationship with China on economic issues. In March 2011, more favored building stronger economic ties (53%) than getting tougher with China (40%).

Independents and Republicans now are much more supportive of getting tougher with China than they were a year and a half ago. Nearly half of independents (47%) now say it is more important to get tougher with China on economic issues, up from just 30% in March 2011. The percentage of Republicans favoring a tougher stance has increased by 11 points (from 54% to 65%) over this period.

There has been less change in opinions among Democrats, and more Democrats continue to prioritize building stronger economic relations with China (53%) over getting tough with China (39%).

This partisan divide is reflected in the vastly different views of Obama and Romney voters. By 51% to 42%, Obama voters favor building a stronger economic relationship with China. By contrast, Romney voters say it is more important to get tough with China on economic issues, by 67% to 26%.

China Concerns: Economics Trump Security Issues

A survey earlier this year by the Pew Global Attitudes Project found that far more Americans are concerned about economic issues than security issues in U.S.-China relations. (For more, see “U.S. Public, Experts Differ on China Policies,” Sept. 18, 2012.)

Fully 78% said the large amount of American debt held by China is a very serious problem for the United States, while 71% said the loss of U.S. jobs to China is a very serious problem. About six-in-ten (61%) viewed the U.S. trade deficit with China as a very serious problem.

Fewer Americans (49%) viewed China’s growing military power as a very serious problem for the United States. Comparable percentages were highly concerned about cyber attacks from China (50% very serious problem), China’s impact on the global environment (50%), and China’s human rights policies (48%).

Despite partisan differences over the seriousness of some of these issues, substantial percentages of Republicans, Democrats and independents viewed the large amount of U.S. debt held by China and the loss of U.S. jobs to China as very serious problems for the United States.

More Republicans (71%) and independents (66%) than Democrats (54%) said the U.S. trade deficit with China is a very serious problem. About half of Democrats (54%) and independents (53%) viewed China’s impact on the global environment as very serious, compared with 41% of Republicans.

Consistent Support for Firm Stance Against Iran

Since 2009, the public has maintained that it is more important to take a strong stand against Iran’s nuclear program than to avoid a military conflict with Iran. In the current survey,

56% say it is more important to take a firm stand against Iranian actions, while just 35% say it is more important to avoid a military conflict with Iran.

There are wide partisan and ideological differences in priorities for dealing with Iran. Fully 84% of conservative Republicans favor taking a firm stand against Iran’s nuclear program. Fewer than half as many liberal Democrats (38%) agree. There also is a sizable age gap in these opinions. Just 44% of those younger than 30 favor taking a strong stand against Iran; clear majorities in older age categories support a firm stance.

Among registered voters, 78% of those who support Romney say it is more important to take a firm stand against Iran; just 17% say it is more important to avoid a military conflict with Iran. Obama supporters are divided – 48% say it is more important to avoid a military conflict, while 43% say it is more important to take a firm stand against Iran.

Deep Partisan Divide over Israel

Overall, Americans are split in their views about the level of U.S. support for Israel. While a 41% plurality say that the level of American support for Israel is about right, 22% say the U.S. is too supportive, and about as many (25%) say it is not supportive enough.

Views on U.S. support for Israel are deeply divided along partisan lines. Nearly half (46%) of Republicans say the U.S. is not supportive enough of Israel, compared with just 9% of Democrats and 24% of independents.

Majority Support for Quick Troop Withdrawal from Afghanistan

As was the case earlier in the year, six-in-ten Americans (60%) now say U.S. troops should be removed from Afghanistan as soon as possible. Just 35% currently say troops should remain in the country until the situation there has stabilized.

By more than three-to-one, Democrats say U.S. troops should be removed as soon as possible (73%), rather than remain in Afghanistan until the situation stabilizes (22%). A smaller majority of independents supports a quick withdrawal (58% vs. 38% remain until stable). Republicans are evenly divided on this question: 48% say the troops should be removed as soon as possible, and an identical proportion says they should remain in place. These partisan differences are little changed from the spring.

Most Democrats (66%) say Barack Obama is handling the removal of troops from Afghanistan about right, as do 46% of independents (33% say he is not removing U.S. troops quickly enough, 14% say he is removing them too quickly).

Just 25% of Republicans believe Obama is removing troops from Afghanistan at the right pace. Instead, 42% of Republicans believe he is removing troops too quickly, while 25% say he is removing them too slowly.

There is strong public sentiment against the United States intervening in the fighting in Syria between government forces and anti-government groups. Nearly two-thirds (64%) say the United States does not have a responsibility to do something about the conflict in Syria. Similar percentages oppose the U.S. and its allies bombing Syrian military forces to protect anti-government groups, as they did in Libya, and sending arms and military supplies to those fighting the government of President Bashar al-Assad.

The public also continues to support withdrawing U.S. forces from Afghanistan as soon as possible. But when it comes to Iran’s nuclear program, there is greater concern that the United States will wait too long to act than that it will act too quickly.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted March 7-11 among 1,503 adults finds that opposition to U.S. involvement in Syria crosses party lines. Majorities of Republicans and Democrats say the U.S. does not have a responsibility to get involved, and reject airstrikes or the shipment of arms to anti-government forces.

There are much wider partisan differences over whether or not to maintain U.S. forces in Afghanistan and in concerns about Iran. Overall, 57% say U.S. forces in Afghanistan should be removed as soon as possible while 35% say the troops should remain until the situation there is stable. In dealing with Iran, more Americans say their greater concern is that the United States will wait too long to take action, rather than it will take action too quickly (54% to 34%).

The survey also finds that a plurality of the public (46%) says that U.S. support for Israel is about right; 22% say the U.S. is too supportive of Israel and a comparable percentage (20%) say it is not supportive enough. Republicans are more likely than Democrats or independents to say that the U.S. is not supportive enough of Israel.

Opposition to Air Strikes, Arming Rebels

Current views about possible U.S. involvement in Syria are similar to opinions about the prospect of U.S. military action in Libya last year, shortly before the U.S. and its allies launched air strikes in support of anti-government rebels.

A year ago, 63% said the U.S. did not have a responsibility to do something about fighting in Libya; a nearly identical percentage (64%) now says the U.S. does not have a responsibility to act in Syria. In the current survey, 68% of Republicans and 63% of Democrats say the U.S. does not have a responsibility in this area.

There also is strong opposition to using military options in dealing with Syria. Fully 62% oppose bombing the Syrian military and 63% are against sending arms to anti-Assad groups. Last year, prior to the allied military mission in Libya, 69% opposed arming anti-government rebels and 77% opposed bombing Libyan air defenses.

After the allies launched air strikes against Libya last year, there was modest public support for the military operation; 47% said the airstrikes were the right decision while 36% said they were the wrong decision. (See “Modest Support for Libya Airstrikes, No Clear Goal Seen,” March 28, 2011). In September, even after the rebels took control of Tripoli and Gadhafi went into hiding, fewer than half (44%) said that the airstrikes were the right decision. (See “Libya: Steady Views, Declining Interest,” Sept. 8, 2011).

Iran Nuclear Concerns

A majority (54%) of Americans say they are more concerned that the U.S. will take too long to act in dealing with Iran’s nuclear program, while 35% are concerned that it will act too quickly. This is similar to public opinion in 2006 and 2007.

This view also is consistent with the finding of a February survey in which 58% of the public said that preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons is more important even if it means taking military action; 30% said preventing military conflict is more important even if it means Iran develops nuclear weapons.

There is a strong partisan divide in concerns about how to deal with Iran’s nuclear program.  Democrats are about equally divided—44% say their concern is that the U.S. will act too quickly, 42% are more concerned the U.S. will wait too long. In contrast, 75% of Republicans express concern that the U.S. will take too long to act, while just 17% say their greater concern is that the U.S. will act too quickly. Among Republicans, 81% of conservatives worry that the U.S. will wait too long; 64% of moderate and liberal Republicans share this concern. By a 52% to 37% margin, independents express more concern that the U.S. will wait too long.

The partisan divide extends to views on Obama’s handling of the Iran issue. While 47% of the public approves of his handling of Iran and 40% disapproves, Republicans disapprove by 66% to 23%. Democrats overwhelmingly approve of Obama’s handling of the issue – 70% to 19% – while independents are almost evenly divided. (See “Romney Leads GOP Contest, Trails in Matchup with Obama,” March 14, 2012).

Continued Support for Afghan Troop Pullout

A majority (57%) of Americans favor removing U.S. troops from Afghanistan as soon as possible, while 35% say that U.S. troops should remain until the situation there is stabilized. These opinions are little changed since June 2011, but support for an immediate troop withdrawal continues to be much higher than it was two years ago (40% in June 2010). (Note: This survey was conducted before the killing of 16 Afghanistan civilians by a U.S. Army soldier was reported on March 11.)

Majorities of Democrats (69%) and independents (58%) continue to favor removing U.S. troops from Afghanistan as soon as possible. About half of Republicans (53%) favor keeping U.S. forces there until the situation is stabilized while 41% support removing the troops as soon as possible. Republican support for maintaining U.S. forces in Afghanistan has remained fairly steady over the past year. As was the case last June, moderate and liberal Republicans are more likely to favor an expeditious troop withdrawal than are conservative Republicans (51% vs. 35%).

Israel Support Seen as Appropriate

A plurality (46%) of Americans believe the level of U.S. support for Israel is about right, with 22% saying the U.S. is too supportive and 20% that it is not supportive enough. But as in past surveys on Israel, there are wide partisan and ideological differences.

Nearly four-in-ten Republicans (38%) – and 48% of conservative Republicans –say that the United States is not supportive enough of Israel. Among other political groups, no more than about one-in-five say the U.S. is insufficiently supportive.

White evangelical Protestants are far more likely than other religious groups to say that the U.S. has not been supportive enough of Israel. Four-in-ten (40%) say the U.S. is not supportive enough while about as many (39%) say the level of support is about right. Among other religious groups, majorities of pluralities say U.S. support for Israel is about right.

Partisan differences over Israel were evident in a February survey that asked whether the U.S. should support Israel if it decided to attack Iranian nuclear facilities. The possibility of Israel launching such an attack was reported to be a matter of discussion when Obama met with Israeli President Benjamin Netanyahu on March 5.

While 51% of Americans overall said in the February survey the U.S. should remain neutral if Israel launched an attack, 62% of Republicans said the administration should support such an action while just 34% preferred neutrality. A third of Democrats and independents said the U.S. should support Israel in such an instance.

The public supports tough measures – including the possible use of military force – to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) say it is more important to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, even if it means taking military action. Just 30% say it is more important to avoid a military conflict with Iran, even if it means that country develops nuclear weapons. These opinions are little changed from October 2009.

There have been reports in recent weeks that Israel may soon attack Iran’s nuclear facilities. About half of Americans (51%) say the United States should remain neutral if Israel takes action to stop Iran’s nuclear program, but far more say the U.S. should support (39%) than oppose (5%) an Israeli attack.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press conducted Feb. 8-12, 2012, among 1,501 adults, finds substantial partisan differences over how to deal with Iran’s nuclear program.

Republicans are far more supportive of using military force to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons than are either Democrats or independents. Moreover, a majority of Republicans (62%) say the U.S. should support an Israeli attack to stop Iran’s nuclear program, compared with just a third of independents and Democrats.

There also is a wide partisan gap over President Obama’s plans for withdrawing U.S. forces from Afghanistan. Overall, 53% say Barack Obama is removing troops from Afghanistan at about the right pace. Just 20% say the president is withdrawing troops too quickly and 22% say he is not removing troops quickly enough.

Last June, 44% said they thought Obama would handle the troop withdrawal about right, and 50% expressed this view in March 2o11.

A plurality of Republicans (43%) now say that Obama is removing U.S. troops from Afghanistan too quickly; 30% say Obama is handling this about right while 21% say he is not removing the troops quickly enough. In June 2011, just 28% of Republicans thought Obama would remove the troops too quickly.

An overwhelming majority of Democrats (77%) continue to say Obama is handling the troop withdrawal about right, an increase of 11 points from June 2011.

Similarly, about half of independents (51%) think the president is handling the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan about right, up from 40% in June. About a quarter (28%) of independents say Obama is not removing troops quickly enough and 17% say he is removing them too quickly.

Women, Young People Want U.S. to Stay Neutral

About half of Americans (51%) say the U.S. should stay neutral if Israel attacks Iran. Nearly four-in-ten (39%) say the U.S. should support Israel’s military action while just 5% say the U.S. should oppose military’s action.

There are large demographic differences in views about what the U.S. should do if Israel attacks Iran. A majority of women (55%) say the U.S. should stay neutral. Men are more divided over whether the U.S. should stay neutral (47%) or support Israel (45%). Young people also are far more likely than older Americans to say the U.S. should stay neutral.

Fully 64% of white evangelical Protestants say that the U.S. should support Israel if it attacks Iran in an effort to stop their nuclear weapon program. That compares with 42% of white mainline Protestants and 41% of white Catholics.

There is a wide divide among Republicans on the issue of Iran. Fully 71% of conservative Republicans think the U.S. should support Israel’s military action if they attack Iran, compared with 43% of moderate and liberal Republicans. A majority of independents and Democrats (including both liberal and more moderate Democrats) think the U.S. should stay neutral.

Overall, there has been modest attention to the dispute over Iran’s nuclear program; 38% say they have heard a lot while 39% have heard a little and 23% have heard nothing at all. That is comparable to attention paid to Iran’s nuclear program last month and in October 2009.

Republicans (47%) are more likely than independents (38%) and Democrats (31%) to say they have heard a lot about the dispute over Iran’s nuclear program. And two-thirds (67%) of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents who agree with the Tea Party say they have heard a lot about Iran’s nuclear program.

Most See Tougher Sanctions as Ineffective

Despite the recent push for tougher economic sanctions against Iran by the U.S. and its allies, 64% of the public thinks that tougher economic sanctions will not work in getting Iran to give up its nuclear program. Just 21% think they will work. In October 2009, 56% thought tougher economic sanctions would not work in stopping Iran’s nuclear weapons program.

There is wide consensus across party lines that tougher economic sanctions on Iran will be ineffective. Most Republicans (72%) and independents (67%), as well as 56% of Democrats, say that Iran will not give up its nuclear program even with tougher economic sanctions.

Tea Party Republicans Back Tough Approach

An overwhelming majority of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents who agree with the Tea Party (84%) say that the U.S. should prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, even if it means taking military action. That compares with a smaller majority (64%) of Republicans who disagree with or have no opinion of the Tea Party.

The gap among Republicans is even larger on what the U.S. should do if Israel attacks Iran to stop its nuclear weapons program. Fully 81% of Tea Party Republicans say the U.S. should support Israel’s military action, compared with just 43% of non-Tea Party Republicans.

There also are differences among Republicans about how Obama is handling troop withdrawal from Afghanistan. A majority of Tea Party Republicans (61%) now say that Obama is removing troops too quickly. A year ago, when asked if Obama will remove U.S. troops too quickly, just 33% of Tea Party Republicans said he would remove troops too quickly and 35% said he would handle it about right.

Far fewer non-Tea Party Republicans (27%) say Obama is removing troops too quickly. More say Obama is handling the troop withdrawal about right (38%). Views among non-Tea Party Republicans have changed little since last year.

Yet the public’s sympathies in the Middle East dispute remain more with Israel than the Palestinians: 40% say they sympathize more with Israel, while just 10% sympathize more with the Palestinians; 21% volunteer that they sympathize with neither side, while 25% express no opinion.

The latest survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and The Washington Post, conducted September 15-18 among 1,006 adults, finds substantial partisan differences in opinions about the Israel-Palestinian issue.

More than half of Democrats (54%) say the U.S. should recognize Palestine as an independent nation while just 14% oppose this step. Among independents, more favor (45%) than oppose (28%) the U.S. recognizing an independent Palestinian state. But just 27% of Republicans favor U.S. recognition for Palestine, while 38% are opposed.

This week’s planned debate at the United Nations over Palestinian statehood has mostly been off of the public’s radar. Just 10% say they have heard a lot about the upcoming debate, while 38% say they have heard a little; fully half (51%) say they have heard nothing at all. Press coverage of this issue has been minimal as well, according to an analysis by the Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism (PEJ). Last week, less than 2% of all news coverage was devoted to the debate over Palestinian statehood, far less than the amount of coverage devoted to the U.S. economy (20%) or the 2012 presidential campaign (12%).

Nearly half (47%) of the small number of Americans who have heard a lot about the planned U.N. debate oppose the U.S. recognizing Palestine as an independent state; that compares with 27% of those who have heard a little about the issue and 21% of those who have heard nothing about it.

The public’s sympathies in the Middle East dispute have changed little in recent years.  These opinions continue to be divided along partisan lines: Far more Republicans sympathize with Israel (62%) than with the Palestinians (4%) or sympathize with neither side (14%) and 18% have no opinion.

By contrast, 27% of Democrats say they sympathize with Israel while nearly as many (24%) volunteer that they sympathize with neither side; 15% of Democrats sympathize with the Palestinians. Nearly three-in-ten Democrats (29%) offer no opinion. Among independents, 41% sympathize with Israel, 22% with neither Israel nor the Palestinians, and 10% the Palestinians; 24% express no opinion.

Perhaps reflecting the low visibility of the Israel-Palestinian dispute, nearly four-in-ten (38%) express no opinion of Barack Obama’s handling of the situation in the Middle East. About the same percentage (37%) say Obama is striking the right balance in his handling of the situation;  20% say he favors the Palestinians too much and just 5% say he favors Israel too much.

Since May, the percentage offering no opinion has increased from 24% to 38%, while the percentage saying Obama is striking the right balance has declined by 13 points (from 50% to 37%). There has been no change in the numbers saying Obama is too supportive of either the Palestinians or Israel.

Despite the apparent success of NATO-supported rebel troops, public views about the decision to conduct air strikes in Libya remain mixed and have changed little since the U.S. and allies launched military operations there in late March.

Over the same period, public attentiveness to the events in Libya has declined substantially – even as rebels have taken control of Tripoli and sent Moammar Gadhafi into hiding.

Currently, 44% say the U.S. and its allies made the right decision to conduct air strikes in Libya, while 33% see this as the wrong decision; 23% offer no opinion. In early April, shortly after the operation began, 50% said the air attacks were the right decision, 37% disagreed and fewer (13%) had no opinion.

President Obama receives positive marks for his handling of the situation in Libya – 49% approve while 32% disapprove. In April, the public was more evenly divided in opinions about Obama’s performance on Libya: 41% approved while 46% disapproved.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Sept. 1-4 among 1,001 adults, finds virtually no partisan differences in opinions about the decision to conduct airstrikes in Libya: 45% of Republicans, 47% of Democrats and 46% of independents say this was the right decision.

In contrast, there are wide partisan differences in views of Obama’s handling of the situation in Libya: 64% of Democrats and 50% of independents approve of Obama’s handling of the situation, compared with just 30% of Republicans.

Even among Americans who say they think conducting airstrikes was the right decision, partisan differences over Obama’s handling of Libya are stark. The vast majority of Democrats (89%) and independents (79%) who say launching the airstrikes was the right decision approve of Obama’s handling of the situation, while just 46%of Republicans who say this was the right decision approve of Obama’s handling of Libya.

Among the relatively small percentage (17%) that says they followed news about Libya very closely last week, 63% say the decision by the U.S. and its allies to launch airstrikes was the right decision, while about a quarter (24%) say it was the wrong decision. The large majority following less closely is more divided: 41% say launching the operation was the right decision, while 35% say it was the wrong decision. About a quarter (24%) say they do not know.

Nearly two-thirds (65%) of those following news about Libya very closely say they approve of Obama’s handling of the situation in Libya; 26% disapprove and 8% say they not know. Again, those following less closely are more divided: 46% approve of Obama’s handling, 33% disapprove and 21% offer no opinion.

Public interest in events in Libya was far greater when NATO first launched airstrikes March – and when civil unrest first erupted in February – than it is today. In late February, 38% said they were following the increasing violence in Libya very closely. In early April, shortly after the airstrikes began and Obama delivered a speech outlining his reasons for intervening in the conflict, 37% tracked news about the NATO airstrikes against Libya very closely.

Since the opening weeks of the military operation, interest in Libya has faded. Last week, as fighting continued and anti-government forces hunted for Gadhafi, just 17% followed news about the situation in Libya very closely, according to Pew Research Center’s weekly News Interest Index.

News coverage of Libya also was modest through much of the summer as the NATO campaign unfolded. However, coverage ramped up in late August when anti-government rebels took control of much of Tripoli. From Aug. 22-28, news about the chaotic events in Libya accounted for 25% of all coverage, the highest level since late March, according to data compiled by the Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism. (See From Tripoli to the East Coast, A Week of Big Events). That dropped significantly last week as the aftermath of Hurricane Irene and news about the economy topped coverage.