The key Senate vote that halted gun control legislation last week is drawing a mixed reaction from the American public: 47% express negative feelings about the vote while 39% have a positive reaction to the Senate’s rejection of gun control legislation that included background checks on gun purchases. Overall, 15% say they are angry this legislation was voted down and 32% say they are disappointed. On the other side, 20% say are very happy the legislation was blocked, while 19% say they are relieved.

The new national survey by the Pew Research Center and the Washington Post, conducted April 18-21 among 1,002 adults, finds a wide partisan gap in reactions. Just over half of Republicans are either very happy (29%) or relieved (23%) that the legislation was voted down, though roughly a third of Republicans say they are either disappointed (26%) or angry (8%). Among Democrats, fully two-thirds (67%) express negative sentiments about the legislation’s failure, with more saying they are disappointed (41%) than angry (26%).

Republicans and Democrats paid equally close attention to the gun debate last week: 40% across party lines say they tracked the events very closely, making it the second most closely followed story last week, after the terrorist bombings at the Boston Marathon. About half of those who followed news about the gun control debate very closely last week had particularly strong reactions to the Senate vote – 31% say they are very happy about the outcome while 22% are angry. Among those who followed news about the debate less closely, only about a quarter offered such strong reactions.

The overall balance of positive and negative reactions to the Senate vote tracks more closely to earlier measures of the public’s broad views on gun control than to attitudes toward background checks specifically. A Pew Research Center/USA TODAY survey in February found the public divided over whether gun control (50%) or gun rights (46%) should be the higher priority. By contrast, making private gun sales and sales at gun shows subject to background checks was supported by an 83% to 15% margin in the February survey.

Despite stark political divisions in the Senate over the Toomey-Manchin legislation, there are relatively modest differences in public reactions in states represented by senators on both sides of the vote. Even in states where both senators voted in favor of the legislation, only about half of the constituents are angry or disappointed that the proposal failed. Similarly, in states where both members voted no only about half are very happy or relieved the bill was blocked.

In the 21 states where both senators supported the legislation, including California, New York and Illinois, 51% say they are either angry or disappointed that the legislation failed, while 38% are very happy or relieved about the outcome. Just 16% of people in these states say they are angry the legislation was voted down, while 35% are simply disappointed.

In the 13 states where one senator voted in favor and one voted against the bill, such as Florida, Ohio and Arizona, the overall balance of opinion is similar: 49% say they are angry or disappointed, 36% very happy or relieved.

Reactions to the Senate vote are more positive in states represented by two senators who both voted against the legislation. In the 16 states where both senators voted against the legislation, such as Texas, Georgia and Tennessee, 46% say they are very happy or relieved that the bill did not pass; 37% say they are angry or disappointed.

Appendix: Senate Vote on Toomey-Manchin Proposal by State

States with two senators voting yes:

CA, CO, CT, DE, HI, IL, ME, MD, MA, MI, MN, NJ, NM, NY, OR, PA, RI, VT, VA, WA, WV

States with one senator voting yes and one senator voting no:
AZ, FL, IN, IA, LA, MO, MT, NV*, NH, NC, OH, SD, WI
* Sen. Harry Reid (D-NV) originally voted yes, but then changed his vote to no so that he could reintroduce the proposal at a later time. For this analysis, Sen. Reid is considered a yes vote.

States with two senators voting no:
AL, AK, AR, GA, ID, KS, KY, MS, NE, ND, OK, SC, TN, TX, UT, WY

Source: U.S. Senate

As Congress returns to Washington to resume work on gun control and immigration legislation, the public is paying far closer attention to news about the gun control debate than news about the debate over immigration policy.

A national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted April 4-7 among 1,003 adults, finds 37% say they are following the debate over gun control very closely. That compares with just 23% who say they are very closely following news about debate over immigration policy. Among this week’s stories, only military threats made by North Korea and its plan to restart a nuclear reactor drew about as much interest (36% very closely).

In recent weeks, no story has received more public attention than the debate over gun control. Other closely followed stories since mid-March have been news about the economy (30% very closely), news about automatic federal spending cuts (24%) and discussions about how to address the federal budget deficit and national debt (also 24%).

Since the start of the year, roughly four-in-ten have followed news about the gun control debate very closely on four of five surveys on which it was included. By contrast, the debate over immigration policy has drawn very close interest from 23% of the public both times it was included (Jan. 31-Feb. 3 and April 4-7).

The current survey finds only slight partisan differences in interest in the gun control debate. About four-in-ten Republicans (41%), 37% of independents and 34% of Democrats say they are following news about the debate very closely.

Views of Economic News Remain Mixed

Following a disappointing jobs report on April 5, the public continues to say they are hearing a mix of both good and bad news about the economy. About six-in-ten (59%) say they are hearing mixed economic news compared with 32% who say they are hearing mostly bad news and 8% who say they are hearing mostly good news. Opinions about the tone of economic news have changed little since the start of the year.

Republicans are about as likely to say they are hearing mostly bad news about the economy (48%) as mixed news (46%). Democrats are far more likely to say the economic news they have been hearing recently has been mixed (66%) rather than mostly bad (20%). Partisan views have changed little since the start of the year.

The vast majority of gun owners say that having a gun makes them feel safer. And far more today than in 1999 cite protection – rather than hunting or other activities – as the maireason they own guns.

A national survey finds that nearly half of gun owners (48%) volunteer that the main reason they own a gun is for protection; just 32% say they have a gun primarily for hunting and even fewer cite other reasons, such as target shooting. In 1999, 49% said they owned a gun mostly for hunting, while just 26% cited protection as the biggest factor.

The survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted Feb. 13-18 among 1,504 adults, finds that safety also is a major concern among the majority of Americans who do not have guns. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) of those in households without guns say they would be uncomfortable having a gun in their homes. When asked why they would be uncomfortable, more cite concerns over gun accidents and safety than any other factor.

When it comes to enacting stricter gun control laws, Americans see both pros and cons. Most (58%) worry that new laws would make it more difficult for people to protect their homes and families. Roughly the same number (54%) say stricter laws would reduce the number of deaths caused by mass shootings.

Gun owners and non-gun owners have fundamental disagreements over the effectiveness of new gun laws. Two-thirds (66%) of those who live in households that do not have guns say stricter gun laws would reduce the number of deaths in mass shootings, compared with just 35% of gun owners.

Yet the partisan divide over many of these issues is at least as great as the differences between gun owners and non-gun owners. Fully 79% of Democrats say tougher gun laws would cut down on the number of deaths from mass shootings; just 29% of Republicans agree.

Public Opposes Letting States Ignore Federal Gun Laws

As previously reported, most Americans support new gun control legislation such as broader background checks or bans on assault-style weapons and high-capacity ammunition clips. Yet as such legislation is being debated in Washington, D.C., some state legislatures are considering laws that would attempt to nullify any new federal controls.

The survey finds that 60% of the public says that states should not be allowed to ignore federal gun laws, while 36% say that states should be able to ignore federal gun laws, if they choose to do so.

Gun owners are divided over whether states should be allowed to ignore federal gun laws: 49% say they should, while 48% disagree. Among those in gun-owning households who do not themselves own guns, 59% oppose states ignoring federal gun laws; among those in households without guns, 67% are opposed.

Republicans, by a 58% to 37% margin, say that states should be allowed to ignore federal gun laws if they so choose. About four-in-ten (38%) independents and just 18% of Democrats favor giving states the option to ignore federal gun laws.

Republicans are far more likely than Democrats to own guns. Nearly a third of Republicans (31%) say they personally own a gun, rifle or pistol; that compares with just 16% of Democrats. But even among Republicans who do not own guns, there is far less support for gun control generally – and more support for states being permitted to ignore federal gun laws – than among independents or Democrats.

Far fewer Republicans say that stricter gun laws would reduce the number of accidental deaths caused by guns than did so 20 years ago. Just 32% of Republicans say that stricter gun laws would reduce the number of accidental gun deaths; in 1993, 61% said tougher laws would cut down on gun-related deaths from accidents and suicides. Among Democrats, there has been virtually no change in opinions about this over the past 20 years; 74% say stricter gun laws would reduce the number of accidental deaths caused by guns, little changed from 76% in 1993.

This is consistent with a widening partisan divide in overall attitudes about whether it is more important to control gun ownership or protect the rights of Americans to own guns. Twenty years ago, there was a partisan gap of 20 points in the percentages of Republicans (45%) and Democrats (25%) prioritizing gun rights. Today, the gap has grown to 52 points; 74% of Republicans say it is more important to protect gun rights than to control gun ownership, compared with 22% of Democrats.

How Gun Owners and Non-Gun Owners Feel about Guns

About a quarter of Americans (24%) say they personally own a gun, rifle or pistol; another 13% say another person in their household has a gun. Most Americans (57%) say they do not have a gun in their household. Gun ownership rates differ by gender, region, age, race, ethnicity and other demographics (See Section 3 of this report).Gun owners increasingly cite protection as the main reason they own a gun. And a large percentage (79%) say having a gun makes them feel safer. At the same time, nearly as many (78%) say that owning a gun is something they enjoy.

Those in gun-owning households who do not personally own guns derive far less enjoyment from having a gun; just 43% say this is something that they enjoy. But more than six-in-ten (64%) say that having a gun in their home makes them feel safer.

Relatively few people in gun-owning households – either gun owners or non-gun-owners– say having a gun in the home makes them feel uncomfortable. Just 7% of gun owners and 9% of non-gun owners living in gun households say having a gun in the home makes them feel uncomfortable.

Among the majority of Americans who live in households without guns, most (58%) say that they would be uncomfortable having a gun in their homes; 40% say they would be comfortable having a gun.

There are sizable partisan and gender differences in these opinions: 58% of Republicans in households without guns say they would be comfortable having a gun in their home, compared with 30% of Democrats. Nearly half (49%) of men in households without guns say they would be comfortable with a gun in their home; just a third (33%) of women in non-gun households say this.

While protection is a major reason that gun owners give for having a weapon, safety also is a top concern among those in non-gun households who express discomfort with having a gun in their home. Among those in non-gun households who would be uncomfortable having a gun, 39% say the reason they would be uncomfortable is the risk of an accident, including 29% who specifically mention concerns about children. Another 22% have more general concerns about the dangers posed by guns or gun safety.

After a series of fiscal crises over the past few years, the public is not expressing a particular sense of urgency over the pending March 1 sequester deadline. With little more than a week to go, barely a quarter have heard a lot about the scheduled cuts, while about as many have heard nothing at all.

And if the president and Congress cannot reach a deficit reduction agreement before the deadline, 40% of Americans say it would be better to let the automatic spending cuts go into effect, while 49% say it would be better to delay the cuts. Both Republicans and independents are divided evenly over which approach is better, and even among Democrats, roughly a third favor letting the sequester take effect over any delays.

The new survey, conducted Feb. 13-18, 2013 with 1,504 adults nationwide, is the first in a collaboration between the Pew Research Center and USA TODAY. It finds that, as with previous conflicts over the debt ceiling and fiscal cliff, Obama holds the upper hand politically over congressional Republicans. If there is no deficit deal by March 1, 49% say congressional Republicans would be more to blame while just 31% would mostly blame President Obama.

Moreover, 76% say that the president and Congress should focus on a combination of spending cuts and tax increases to reduce the budget deficit. Just 19% agree with the current Republican position that tax increases should be off the table.

And while Obama’s 51% job approval rating is down slightly from a post-election high of 55%, it remains well above the 25% approval rating for GOP congressional leaders. The job rating for Democratic leaders is higher (37%), though more disapprove (55%) than approve of their performance.

The poll finds new evidence of the public’s concern over the federal budget deficit. Fully 70% say it is essential for the president and Congress to pass major legislation to reduce the federal budget deficit, including wide majorities across party lines. Last month, the Pew Research Center’s annual policy priorities survey found a sharp rise in the percentage rating deficit reduction as a top priority since 2009.

Far fewer say it is essential to act on three other issues that Obama mentioned prominently in his State of the Union address: 51% say it is essential for the president and Congress to act on major immigration legislation; 46% view major gun legislation as essential; just 34% say it is essential to set new federal policies dealing with climate change.

There are wide partisan differences in attitudes about all four issues. This also is the case in views about whether to raise the minimum wage, another proposal Obama raised in his State of the Union.

By a wide margin (71% to 26%), the public favors increasing the minimum wage from its current level of $7.25 per hour to $9.00 an hour. But while large majorities of Democrats (87%) and independents (68%) favor raising the minimum wage, Republicans are evenly divided (50% favor, 47% oppose).

Among all Republicans and Republican-leaning independents, those who agree with the Tea Party oppose the proposed minimum wage hike by two-to-one (64% to 32%). Those who have no opinion of the Tea Party, or disagree with it, favor increasing the minimum wage by 60% to 36%.

Most Want Deficit Efforts Focused Largely on Spending Cuts

A substantial majority of Americans (76%) feel that both spending cuts and tax increases should be a part of the next step in tackling the federal budget deficit. But an equally large proportion believes that the greater share should come from spending cuts, even if tax hikes are also considered.

Overall, 19% say the focus of deficit reduction efforts should be only on spending cuts; just 3% want to concentrate only on tax increases. About four-in-ten Republicans (42%) favor reducing the deficit with spending cuts alone; that compares with 18% of independents and just 6% of Democrats. Even among Republicans, more favor a combination of spending cuts and tax increases to just spending cuts (56% vs. 42%).

When those who favor a balanced approach to reducing the deficit are asked if the focus should mostly be on spending cuts or tax increases, they overwhelmingly say spending cuts. Overall, 73% say efforts by the president and Congress to reduce the deficit should be only or mostly focused on spending cuts while just 19% say the focus should be only or mostly on tax increases.

Immigration: Plurality Favors Border Security and Path to Citizenship

Nearly half (47%) say the priority for illegal immigration is better border security, stronger law enforcement and creating a way for people here illegally to become citizens if they meet certain requirements. Just a quarter (25%) favors an enforcement-only approach while an identical percentage says the focus should only be on a so-called path to citizenship. The percentage favoring a dual approach to immigration policy has risen modestly since June, from 42% to 47%.

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say that better border security and stronger enforcement of immigration laws should be the bigger priority, while Democrats are more likely to want the focus to be on creating a way for illegal immigrants already here to become citizens if they meet certain requirements.

Obama holds a sizable advantage over congressional Republicans on immigration. Half (50%) say that Obama has a better approach to dealing with immigration, compared with 33% who say congressional Republicans have a better approach. Obama’s job approval in handling the nation’s immigration policy, in negative territory for most of his presidency, also has improved.

Currently, about as many approve (44%) as disapprove (43%) of Obama’s handling of immigration policy; in seven surveys since 2009, far more disapproved than approved. Hispanics, in particular, are much more positive about Obama’s job performance on immigration: 63% approve currently, up from just 28% in November 2011.

Views on Gun Control Unchanged Since Shortly After Newtown

Gun control and climate change are potentially even more divisive political issues. For Democrats, 71% say it is essential that the president and Congress pass major gun legislation this year – that is slightly higher than the number saying major deficit reduction legislation is essential (65%). But just 19% of Republicans place the same emphasis on gun legislation. Nearly half of Democrats (47%) view action on climate change as essential this year, compared with 15% of Republicans.

Americans remain divided over whether it is more important to control gun ownership (50%) or protect the right of Americans to own guns (46%), with no significant change in attitudes in the two months since shortly after the Newtown shootings. Similarly, there has been no change in public views about banning high capacity clips (53% favor), banning assault weapons (56% favor), or broader background checks (83% favor).

With the public paying close attention to the national debate over gun control, Barack Obama’s gun proposals receive a mixed rating from the public. A 39% plurality say Obama’s proposals are about right while another 13% say they do not go far enough. About three-in-ten (31%) say the president’s proposals go too far; 17% do not offer an opinion.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Jan. 17-20 among 1,006 adults, finds that the public is closely tracking the gun debate: 43% followed news about Obama’s proposals very closely and an additional 29% followed the news fairly closely.

There are wide partisan divides in views of Obama’s proposals. A 57% majority of Republicans say the proposals go too far, just 7% say not far enough and 25% say they are about right. By contrast, a majority of Democrats (55%) say the proposals on guns are about right, 21% say they do not go far enough and 10% say they go too far. Independents are divided: 36% say Obama’s gun proposals are about right, while about as many (33%) say they go too far; few independents say the proposals do not go far enough (9%).

Men are somewhat more likely than women to say Obama’s proposals go too far in addressing the nation’s gun laws (36% vs. 26%). As many college graduates say the proposals go too far (25%) as not far enough (24%). By contrast, among those without a college degree, more say the proposals go too far than not far enough. Slim pluralities of all education groups say the proposals are about right. The balance of opinion on Obama’s gun proposals is similar among those who are following the debate very closely and those who are following less closely.

Gun Debate Tops Public’s News Interests

About four-in-ten (43%) say they very closely followed news about President Obama announcing proposals for strengthening gun laws; another 29% followed this story fairly closely. Interest in the gun proposals outpaced interest in all other news stories last week, including economic news (36% very closely). Interest in the gun control proposals was about as high among Republicans (44% very closely) as Democrats (47% very closely).

The public paid less attention to the hostage situation in Algeria (17% very closely). And two sports-related controversies, Lance Armstrong admitting he used performance-enhancing drugs and an alleged hoax involving Notre Dame football player Manti Te’o and false claims about his deceased girlfriend, garnered little public attention: just 11% followed Armstrong news very closely and 10% followed news about Manti Te’o very closely.

In the first week of January, the resolution to the fiscal cliff topped the public’s news agenda with 38% saying they followed that story very closely. Economic news (34% very closely) and the debate over gun control (34% very closely) also received significant public attention in the Jan. 3-6 survey.

While the issue of gun control remains divisive, there are clear areas of agreement when it comes to a number of gun policy proposals. Fully 85% of Americans favor making private gun sales and sales at gun shows subject to background checks, with comparable support from Republicans, Democrats and independents. Similarly, 80% support laws to prevent mentally ill people from purchasing guns, with broad support across party lines.

But this bipartisan consensus breaks down when it comes to other proposals. Two-thirds of Americans (67%) favor creating a federal database to track gun sales, but there is a wide partisan divide between Democrats (84%) and Republicans (49%). A smaller majority of the public (55%) favors a ban on assault-style weapons; Democrats (69%) also are far more likely than Republicans (44%) to support this. Similar partisan divides exist when it comes to banning high-capacity ammunition clips or the sale of ammunition online.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Jan. 9-13 among 1,502 adults also tested two specific school-safety proposals, with widely different results. By a two-to-one margin (64%-32%), most favor putting armed security guards and police in more schools. But when it comes to more teachers and school officials having guns, most are opposed (40% favor vs. 57% oppose). The latter option is particularly divisive across party lines: 56% of Republicans would like to see more teachers and school officials armed, compared with just 23% of Democrats.

The Activism Gap

The survey finds that 51% of Americans say it is more important to control gun ownership, while 45% say it is more important to protect gun rights. This balance of opinion is virtually unchanged from mid-December when, in the immediate wake of the Newtown, CT shooting, public opinion shifted modestly in the direction of gun control. These are the only surveys since Obama became president in which significantly more have prioritized gun control than gun rights.

There is a wide gap between those who prioritize gun rights and gun control when it comes to political involvement. Nearly a quarter (23%) of those who say gun rights should be the priority have contributed money to an organization that takes a position on gun policy, compared with just 5% of those who prioritize gun control. People who favor gun rights are also about twice as likely as gun control supporters to have contacted a public official about gun policy (15% vs. 8%).

By contrast, comparable percentages of gun rights supporters (19%) and those who prioritize gun control (15%) say they have expressed their opinion about gun policy on social networks. And about one-in-ten in each group says they have signed a petition on gun policy (12% of gun rights supporters, 10% of gun control supporters).

Partisan Differences over Gun Policy

Among nine policy options included in the survey, the largest partisan gap is over creating a federal database to track gun sales. Fully 84% of Democrats favor the creation of a federal gun sale database, compared with 68% of independents and 49% of Republicans.

The differences are nearly as great over more teachers and school officials having guns in schools: 56% of Republicans, 42% of independents and just 23% of Democrats favor arming more teachers and school officials.

There also are substantial partisan gaps over banning assault-style and semi-automatic weapons (25 points and 19 points respectively), and banning the online sale of ammunition and high capacity ammunition clips (20 points, 18 points).

However, two proposals draw overwhelming support from Republicans, Democrats and independents — making private gun sales and sales at gun shows subject to background checks, and laws to prevent people with mental illness from purchasing guns.

Majorities in each political group also favor putting armed security guards or police in more schools, though this proposal garners more support from Republicans (73% favor) than from Democrats (62%) or independents (59%).

There are intra-party differences, as well as differences between parties, over several of these proposals. This is reflected in opinions about proposals to ban semi-automatic or assault-style weapons.

Opinions about both proposals are similar across party lines: 49% of Republicans favor a ban on semi-automatic weapons, while 44% favor banning assault-style. Among Democrats, 68% favor banning semi-automatic weapons and 69% support banning assault-style weapons.

Combining results from the two questions, 62% of moderate and liberal Republicans favor banning semi-automatic or assault-style weapons compared with 40% of conservative Republicans. While 78% of liberal Democrats (78%) favor banning semi-automatic or assault weapons, a smaller majority of conservative and moderate Democrats (65%) do so.

Gender, Education Differences over Gun Proposals

Men are divided over whether it is more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns or to control gun ownership (51% vs. 44%). Women, by contrast, prioritize controlling gun ownership: 57% view this as more important compared with 38% who prioritize gun rights.

There also are sizable gender differences over some specific gun policy proposals: Fully two-thirds of women (67%) favor a ban on semi-automatic weapons, while men are divided – 48% favor such a ban while 50% are opposed.

Majorities of women and men favor creating a federal database to track gun sales, but this proposal draws more support from women (73%) than men (61%). By contrast, men are more likely than women to favor more teachers and school officials having guns at school (47% vs. 32%).

Large majorities of men and women favor background checks for private gun sales and gun shows and laws to prevent mentally ill people from buying guns. There also is broad, though less overwhelming, support among both men and women for putting armed security guards or police in schools.

There also are educational differences over gun policy proposals. A proposal to put armed security guards or police in more schools attracts widespread support among those with no more than a high school education (75% favor) and those with only some college experience (68% favor). Fewer than half of college graduates (44%) support this proposal.

College graduates are much more supportive than those with less education of banning high-capacity ammunition clips and assault-style weapons.

Gun Owners and Gun Policy

A third (33%) of Americans say there are guns, rifles or pistols in their home, which is little changed from recent surveys. More than twice as many gun owners (65%) as those who do not own guns (30%) say it is more important to protect gun rights than to control gun ownership.

However, majorities of gun owners favor a number of the gun policy proposals tested in this survey: Fully 90% favor laws to prevent mentally ill people from buying guns and 85% favor making private gun sales and sales at gun shows subject to background checks. By 60% to 37%, gun owners also favor the creation of a federal government database to track all gun sales.

The Political Landscape

As has been the case over the past decade, neither party has a clear political advantage when it comes to the gun control issue: 38% feel the Republican Party does a better job of reflecting their views, while 40% say the Democratic Party. Not surprisingly, gun owners and those who prioritize gun rights see the GOP as more in line with their thinking, while non-gun owners and those who favor gun control say the Democratic Party shares their views.

Vice President Joe Biden, who is leading the White House effort to formulate new proposals to reduce gun violence, gets mixed ratings from the public: 42% have a favorable impression of him, 42% unfavorable. This is virtually unchanged since late October on the eve of the election (44% favorable, 42% unfavorable).

Views of Biden are deeply divided along partisan lines – 77% of Republicans have an unfavorable opinion of him, while 75% of Democrats have a favorable opinion. Biden is viewed unfavorably by 63% of people who say the priority should be protecting the rights of gun owners, and favorably by 60% of those who prioritize controlling gun ownership.

The public’s attitudes toward gun control have shown only modest change in the wake of last week’s deadly shooting at an elementary school in Newtown, Connecticut. Currently, 49% say it is more important to control gun ownership, while 42% say it is more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns.

This marks the first time since Barack Obama took office that more Americans prioritize gun control than the right to own guns. Opinion was evenly divided in July, following a shooting at a Colorado movie theater. At that time, 47% said it was more important to control gun ownership, while 46% said it was more important to protect gun rights.

However, support for gun control remains lower than before Obama took office. In April 2008, 58% said it was more important to control gun ownership; just 37% prioritized protecting gun rights.

As in the past, there are wide partisan and demographic differences in opinions about gun control. Majorities of men, whites and Republicans say it is more important to protect gun rights. By contrast, most women, blacks, Democrats and those in the Northeast prioritize controlling gun ownership. In other regions, opinion is divided.

There are deeply held opinions on both sides when it comes to the choice between controlling gun ownership and protecting gun rights: 42% strongly believe it is more important to control gun ownership, while 37% strongly feel it is more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Dec. 17-19 among 1,219 adults, finds a higher percentage saying that gun ownership in this country does more to protect people from crime (48%) than to put their safety at risk (37%).

However, about two-thirds (65%) think that allowing citizens to own assault weapons makes the country more dangerous. Just 21% say that permitting these types of weapons makes the country safer.

There is widespread public opposition to a ban on handguns: Two-thirds (67%) oppose banning the possession of handguns, except by law enforcement officers. Far more favor banning bullets designed to explode or penetrate bullet-proof vests (56%) and high capacity ammunition clips (53%). Opinion is divided over whether to ban semi-automatic guns – 44% favor such a ban, while 49% are opposed.

Americans also remain split over the broader significance of shootings like the one in Connecticut: 47% say they are just the isolated acts of troubled individuals, while 44% say they reflect broader problems in society. That is little changed from a survey conducted last weekend, but far more say that such shootings reflect broader societal problems than did so after shootings in Colorado this summer and in Tucson, Ariz. in Jan. 2011. (For more, see “Public Divided over What Newtown Signifies,” Dec. 17, 2012.)

When those who point to broader problems are asked to describe, in their own words, what the tragedy reflects in society, 46% cite the nation’s social climate, such as the breakdown of families and parental failures, while 30% cite issues relating to mental health or mental illness. About one-in-five (22%) mention guns or gun policy, which is similar to reactions after the 2011 Tucson shooting and the shooting at Virginia Tech University in 2007.

A concurrent study of the conversation about Newtown on Twitter and blogs conducted by the Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism finds far more discussion of gun policy following this event than after the Tucson shooting. In the social media conversation, calls for stricter gun control measures exceed defenses of current gun laws by more than two-to-one.  (For more, see “In Social Media and Opinion Pages, Newtown Sparks Calls for Gun Reform,” Dec. 20, 2012.)

No Partisan Advantage

The survey on attitudes toward gun control finds that neither party has an advantage on the issue. About as many say the Republican Party (27%) as the Democratic Party (28%) can do a better job of reflecting their views on gun control. A relatively high percentage (27%) volunteer that both parties can do about the same (13%) or that neither party can do better (14%). This is similar to 2004, when opinion also was divided.

Fewer Americans (36%) say the National Rifle Association (NRA) has too much influence over gun control laws than did so in 2000 (42%) and 1993 (45%). Nearly half (47%) says either that the organization has too little influence (19%) or the right amount of influence (28%).

Wide Partisan Gap over Gun Control

By a seven-point margin, the public currently says it is more important to control gun ownership (49%) than to protect the right of Americans to own guns (42%). There are substantial demographic and partisan differences over the issue, and most of the patterns of opinion on this question are little changed from past surveys.

Republicans and Democrats are on opposite sides of the issue: About seven-in-ten (69%) Republicans say protecting gun rights is more important, while about the same proportion of Democrats (72%) say gun control is more important. Independents are divided (47% gun rights, 42% gun control).

The gender gap also is stark: Women prioritize controlling ownership over gun rights by a 24-point margin, while men prioritize gun rights by a 10-point margin. Racial differences also are striking, as African-Americans overwhelmingly say gun control is more important than gun rights (68% to 24%), while opinion among whites tilts in favor of gun rights (51% to 42%).

Those with post-graduate degrees stand out from those with less education in their support for gun control, with 66% prioritizing gun control while just 26% say protecting gun rights is more important. Other educational groups are more evenly divided in their opinions.

Young people (18-29 year olds) continue to support gun control over gun rights (55% vs. 36%), while those 30-64 are more divided on the question. Notably, older Americans (ages 65+) have shifted over the last several months; today they prioritize gun control over gun rights (54% vs. 34%), but were more divided earlier in the year.

Northeasterners continue to stand out compared to other regions of the country, supporting gun control over gun rights by about a two-to-one margin (65% vs. 29%), while those in other regions are more evenly split on this question.

More Say Gun Ownership Protects People from Crime

Overall, a slim plurality (48%) thinks gun ownership in this country does more to protect people from becoming victims of crime, while 37% say it does more to put people’s safety at risk; 16% offer no opinion. Demographic and partisan divides on this question are similar to those seen on the more general question of gun rights versus gun control. Majorities of men, whites and Republicans say gun ownership does more to protect people from becoming victims of crime. By contrast, most Democrats and blacks say gun ownership does more to put people’s safety at risk; women are divided (40% protect people from crime vs. 43% put people’s safety at risk).

While a plurality sees gun ownership as doing more to protect people from crime, there are broad concerns over a specific type of gun: assault weapons. By about three-to-one, more say allowing citizens to own assault weapons makes the country more dangerous (65%) rather than safer (21%). Broad majorities of Democrats, blacks and women say assault weapons make the country more dangerous; most men and whites feel this way as well, though by a slimmer margins. Opinion is divided among Republicans (41% safer, 50% more dangerous.

Those who give priority either to protecting gun rights or controlling ownership on the more general question do not always offer one-sided responses to other gun questions. For example, among those who say it is more important to protect gun rights, as many say assault weapons make the country more dangerous (40%) as safer (41%).

Mixed Support for Gun Control Proposals

The public offers a mixed reaction to four specific gun control proposals tested in the survey. Majorities support banning bullets that explode or are designed to penetrate bullet-proof vests, and banning high-capacity ammunition clips. However, the public is divided over banning semi-automatic guns and a broad majority opposes banning handguns for non-uniformed civilians. Reflecting the public’s mixed reaction to different types of measures, very few favor all four proposals (13%) or oppose them all (14%).

By a 56% to 36% margin, most favor banning bullets that explode or can penetrate bullet-proof vests. Partisan divides on this question are modest, with 62% of Democrats and 51% of Republicans in favor. Even among those who prioritize gun rights over controlling ownership, 47% favor this proposal, while 43% are opposed.

A majority also backs banning high-capacity ammunition clips that can hold more than 10 bullets (53% favor, 42% oppose).

A ban against semi-automatic guns receives less support: 44% favor this proposal, 49% oppose it. About two-thirds (68%) of those who prioritize gun rights would oppose such a ban, while 61% of those who prioritize gun control would favor it.

The least popular option of the four tested is banning the possession of handguns except by law enforcement officers: 67% oppose this measure, just 28% favor it. Even those who
prioritize gun control over gun rights are divided on a handgun ban (44% favor, 50% oppose).

Who Owns Guns?

About a third (35%) of Americans say that there are guns, rifles or pistols in their home. The proportion of the public reporting they own firearms has remained about the same for more than a decade.

More men (42%) than women (27%) report having guns in their household. And gun ownership is far more prevalent among whites than blacks; 42% of whites have guns in their homes, compared with just 16% of blacks.

Gun ownership is strongly correlated with both region and community type. Just 21% of Northeasterners say there is a gun in their home, compared with 38% of Midwesterners and 45% of Southerners. Half (50%) of those living in rural areas say they have a firearm in their home; that compares with 36% of those living in the suburbs and 26% of those in urban areas.

Gun ownership also differs by party, with nearly half of Republicans (49%)—and just a quarter (25%) of Democrats—reporting that there is a gun in their household.

Views of Those Who Own Guns and Those Who do Not

About two-thirds (65%) of gun owners say it is more important to protect gun rights than to control ownership (27%). The balance of opinion is reversed among those who do not have a gun in the household (64% control ownership, 26% protect gun rights).

Gun owners offer strong support for the idea that gun ownership in this country does more to protect people from becoming victims of crime (68%) rather than putting people’s safety at risk (18%).

But half of those with a gun in the household (50%) say allowing citizens to own assault weapons makes the country more dangerous for citizens, fewer (34%) say this makes this country safer.

When it comes to politics, more gun owners say the Republican Party (37%) rather than the Democratic Party (22%) could do a better job reflecting their views about gun control. Those without a gun in the household favor the Democratic Party 34% to 21%.

And while 45% of non-gun owners say the National Rifle Association has too much influence over gun control laws in this country, only 25% of gun owners say this. A plurality of gun owners say the NRA has the right amount of influence (42%) over gun laws, while 20% say too little.

The shootings at an elementary school in Newtown, Conn. on Friday have drawn widespread public interest. A weekend survey finds that 57% of Americans say they followed news about the tragedy there very closely. That is higher than interest in the shootings at an Aurora, Colo. movie theater in July (49% very closely), though not as great as interest in the Columbine shootings in 1999 (68%).

The survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Dec. 14-16 among 746 adults, finds the public is evenly divided over whether the Newtown shootings reflect broader problems in Americans society (47%) or are just the acts of troubled individuals (44%).

By contrast, clear majorities said that both the Aurora shootings, as well as the shootings in Tucson, Ariz. in Jan. 2011, were just the isolated acts of troubled individuals; 67% said that after the Aurora shootings at a movie theater and 58% said that after the Tucson shootings, which killed six and left former Rep. Gabrielle Giffords seriously wounded. Opinions today are comparable to reactions to the shootings on the campus of Virginia Tech University in April 2007.

Most parents are talking with their children about the massacre at Sandy Hook Elementary School, according to a separate survey of more than 750 adults with children at home, conducted Dec. 14-17, using Google Consumer Surveys. About half (53%) of all the parents who participated in the survey, including 71% of those with younger children, say they are restricting how much news coverage of the tragedy their children watch.

Isolated Acts or Indicative of Broader Problems?

Women, by 54% to 37%, say that Friday’s shootings at the elementary school reflect broader problems in American society. Men express the opposite view: 51% say that shootings like this are just the isolated acts of troubled individuals.

College graduates (54%) are more likely than those with no more than a high school education (42%) to say that the massacre reflects broader societal problems.

There also are partisan differences in reactions to the tragedy: Democrats, by 54% to 39%, say the shootings reflect broader societal problems. Republicans are divided, with 49% saying such incidents are the acts of troubled individuals, while 45% say they reflect broader problems.

People who have followed news about the shootings very closely are more likely than those who have not to say that they represent broader problems in society (51% vs. 40%).

How Parents Are Coping

A separate survey of more than 750 internet users with school-age children in the household, conducted Dec. 14-17, 2012 using Google Consumer Surveys finds that most are talking with their children about Friday’s shootings. Fully 62% of those with school age children have talked with their children about the shootings either a lot (20%) or some (42%), while 23% have not discussed the events with their children at all.

About half (53%) of parents say they have restricted how much coverage of the shootings their children watch. In a 2007 telephone survey, which was conducted shortly after the Virginia Tech shootings, 40% said they were restricting how much coverage their children watched.

Parents of elementary school-age children are discussing the recent events with their children far less than parents of older children. Only about half (48%) of parents with elementary school-age children have talked about the shootings with their children at least some, compared with 72% of parents only with children in 6th-12th grade.

Fully 71% of parents with children in elementary school are trying to restrict how much coverage of the events their children watch, compared with only 36% of parents with older children. Six-in-ten parents (60%) with both elementary school-age and older children are restricting how much coverage their children watch.

High News Interest in Newtown Shootings

Nearly six-in-ten (57%) say they followed news about the Newtown shooting very closely, making it by far the public’s top story last week. News interest in the Newtown shooting is higher than for other recent gun tragedies, including shootings in Aurora, Colo. (41% very closely), Tucson, Ariz. (49% very closely), and Virginia Tech (45% very closely). In April 1999, somewhat more followed news about shootings at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colo. very closely (68%).

Our most recent survey on the issue, conducted July 26-29, 2012, shortly after a gunman killed 12 people at a movie theater in Aurora, Colorado, found that 47% said it was more important to control gun ownership, while 46% said it was more important to protect the rights of Americans to own guns. Opinions were largely unchanged from April 2012, when 45% prioritized gun control and 49% gun rights.

Opinion about gun control has been divided since early 2009, shortly after Barack Obama’s election. From 1993 through 2008, majorities had said it was more important to control gun ownership than to protect gun rights.

In May 1999, a month after the shooting at Columbine High School, 65% said it was more important to control gun ownership while 30% said it was more important to protect gun rights. The previous measure, from six years earlier (December 1993) found that 57% prioritized gun control while 34% prioritized gun rights.

Recent mass shootings have had little impact on the public’s attitudes toward gun control. That was the case after the Colorado theater shootings; similarly, views of gun control changed little after the Jan. 2011 shooting in Tucson Arizona, which killed six people and seriously wounded former Rep. Gabrielle Giffords.

In April 2007, following the large-scale shooting at Virginia Tech University, 60% said it was more important to control gun ownership, which was little changed from 58% in February 2004.

The partisan gap in attitudes about gun control has widened considerably in recent years. In July, following the shootings in Colorado, 71% of Republicans said it was more important to protect the right of Americans to own guns while just 26% said it was more important to control gun ownership. Among Democrats, opinion was roughly the reverse: 72% said it was more important to control gun ownership while 21% prioritized gun rights. Independents were divided:50% said it was more important to protect gun rights; 43% said gun control was more important.

In 1993, fewer than half of Republicans (45%) prioritized gun rights over gun control. Democrats’ views over the past two decades, by contrast, have changed very little. In 1993, just 25% said protecting gun rights was more important than gun control. (For more on changing views about gun control among partisan and demographic groups, see “More Support for Gun Rights, Gay Marriage than in 2008, 2004,” April 25, 2012.)