As Washington sprang into action late last week to end the furlough of federal air-traffic controllers and delays at airports across the country, the public blamed both sides for the situation. Nearly equal percentages say congressional Republicans (34%) and the Obama administration (32%) are more to blame for the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) budget cuts and airport delays. Another 10% volunteer that both sides are to blame, while 20% offer no opinion.

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted April 25-28 among 1,003 adults, finds that the public has paid relatively little attention to the story: just 15% say they followed news about airport delays and the furlough of air-traffic controllers very closely, a plurality (40%) say they did not follow the story closely at all.

Independents are evenly divided over whether Republicans in Congress (31%) or the Obama administration (31%) are more to blame for budget cuts at the FAA and delays at airports across the country. Partisans take opposing views with broad majorities of Republicans (67%) saying the Obama administration is more to blame, and a comparably large percentage of Democrats (62%) saying Republicans in Congress are more to blame.

Those paying very close attention to the story are about as likely to blame the Obama administration (47%) as Republicans in Congress (40%). Those following the story less closely also are divided, (33% blame Congressional Republicans, 29% the Obama administration); nearly a quarter (23%) of those not following the story very closely say they don’t know who is more to blame, compared with just 5% of those following very closely.

The public spreads the political blame for the flight delays and FAA situation more evenly than they did for broader debates over the sequester and fiscal cliff. In a Pew Research Center/Washington Post survey conducted Feb. 21-24, 2013, days before automatic spending cuts took effect, more said Republicans in Congress (45%), rather than President Obama (32%), would be more to blame if an agreement to prevent the sequester was not reached before the deadline.

Similarly, in the weeks before the fiscal cliff deadline late last year, the public said Republicans in Congress (53%) would be more to blame than President Obama (27%) for not reaching an agreement before the Dec. 31 deadline.

As the March 1 deadline for a possible budget sequester approaches, a new national survey finds limited public support for reducing spending for a range of specific programs, including defense, entitlements, education and health care.

For 18 of 19 programs tested, majorities want either to increase spending or maintain it at current levels. The only exception is assistance for needy people around the world. Nonetheless, as many say that funding for aid to the needy overseas should either be increased (21%), or kept the same (28%), as decreased (48%).

The survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted Feb. 13-18, 2013 among 1,504 adults, finds little change in attitudes about government spending since 2011. One notable exception: somewhat fewer support reducing military defense spending, which would bear a major share of the sequester cuts.

In the current poll, 24% say that if they were making up the federal government’s budget this year they would decrease spending for military defense, down from 30% two years ago. More than seven-in-ten either support increasing defense spending (32%) or maintaining it at current levels (41%).

There continue to be sizable partisan differences in views of funding for government programs. For most, substantially larger shares of Republicans than Democrats support decreased funding. Yet there are only two possible reductions that draw majority support from Republicans – foreign aid (70%) and unemployment assistance (56%). There is no program among the 19 included in the survey that even a plurality of Democrats wants to see decreased.

An earlier report on this survey showed that 70% think it is essential for the president and Congress to pass major legislation to reduce the federal budget deficit this year. That portion of the survey, conducted in collaboration with USA TODAY, also found that more Americans want the focus of deficit-reduction efforts to be mostly on spending reductions rather than tax increases.

Yet the survey also finds higher percentages support increases rather than decreases in spending for education, veterans’ benefits, entitlements and other programs. Six-in-ten (60%) say they would increase education funding, while 53% want funding for veterans’ benefits and services to grow and 41% say the same about spending on Social Security.

Partisans Differ on Gov’t Spending

In 16 of 19 areas, Republicans are more likely than Democrats to support cutting spending. Only in the areas of military and anti-terrorism spending are Democrats more supportive of cuts than Republicans. There are no partisan differences about decreasing funding for veterans’ benefits.

The largest partisan gaps are over aid to needy people both in the U.S. and abroad. Seven-in-ten Republicans (70%) say foreign aid should be decreased, compared with just a quarter (25%) of Democrats. Similarly, while 56% of Republicans say spending on unemployment assistance should be decreased, just 13% of Democrats agree.

By large margins, Democrats also are less supportive of cuts to health care, environmental protection and scientific research. While 44% of Republicans say federal funding for health care should be decreased, just 7% of Democrats do (in fact, a majority of Democrats – 58% – say federal spending on health care should be increased).

While Democrats are more likely than Republicans to favor cutting military spending, about as many Democrats say funding for the military should be increased as decreased (28% vs. 32%), and about twice as many say anti-terrorism funding should be increased as decreased (36% vs. 18%)

Conversely, while Republicans are more supportive than Democrats of cutting funding for Medicare, Social Security and food and drug inspection, these remain minority positions within the GOP. More Republicans want to increase, rather than decrease, funding for Social Security (35% vs. 17%). And Republicans are as likely to say funding for Medicare should be increased as to say it should be decreased (24% vs. 21%).

Little Change in Opinions

Public attitudes about government spending are relatively unchanged from 2011; across 14 of the 16 issues where 2011 trends are available there is no significant shift in public opinion over the last few years.

In contrast to most other areas, there has been a drop in public support for increasing spending to provide economic assistance to needy people in the U.S.: 27% want this funding increased today, down from 42% in 2011. Although there remain significant partisan and demographic differences in support for spending on the needy in the U.S., the drop in support for increasing spending is seen across both party and socioeconomic lines.

Attitudes about military defense spending, which would be subject to the largest cuts under the budgets sequester, have also shifted slightly. There is now is somewhat less support for decreasing spending on military defense (24% today, 30% in 2011).

The overall stability of public opinion over the last two years stands in contrast to the shift from 2009 to 2011, when there was a drop in support for increases in spending across many of these same areas (See Fewer Want Spending to Grow, But Most Cuts Remain Unpopular, February 10, 2011).

Long-Term Trends

While there has been little change in public views on government spending within the last two years, the long-term trend over the past quarter-century is, for the most part, away from spending growth.

When the question was first asked in 1987, a 64% majority felt that Social Security spending should be increased; this stands at 41% in the new survey. Similarly, support for increased federal spending on health care has fallen from 72% to 38% since 1987, and the share favoring more spending on environmental protection has declined from 59% to 33%.

While the trends are shorter, two other issues have seen similar trajectories. When first asked in 1994, 71% supported more federal spending on combating crime. This figure stands at 41% today. And even just over the past 12 years, the share saying education spending should be increased has fallen from 76% to 60%.

Views of Defense Spending

Public views on military defense spending have shifted substantially over the past quarter-century. In 1990, during George H.W. Bush’s presidency, 40% wanted to decrease defense spending and just 18% favored increasing it. By contrast, in February 2002, following the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks, a 60% majority backed increased spending on military defense, with just 5% saying spending should be lowered.

Currently, there is no public consensus on defense spending: 32% say it should be increased, virtually unchanged from 31% two years ago. About a quarter (24%) say it should be decreased, down from 30% in 2011. And a plurality (41%) say defense spending should be kept the same.

Beyond the significant political divide over defense spending, there also are differences of opinion by age and education. Those younger than 30 are far more likely to support defense spending cuts (36%) than are those 65 and older (13%).

The divide also is stark along educational lines: college graduates are twice as likely to back defense spending cuts compared with those who have not attended college (38% vs. 18%).

After a series of fiscal crises over the past few years, the public is not expressing a particular sense of urgency over the pending March 1 sequester deadline. With little more than a week to go, barely a quarter have heard a lot about the scheduled cuts, while about as many have heard nothing at all.

And if the president and Congress cannot reach a deficit reduction agreement before the deadline, 40% of Americans say it would be better to let the automatic spending cuts go into effect, while 49% say it would be better to delay the cuts. Both Republicans and independents are divided evenly over which approach is better, and even among Democrats, roughly a third favor letting the sequester take effect over any delays.

The new survey, conducted Feb. 13-18, 2013 with 1,504 adults nationwide, is the first in a collaboration between the Pew Research Center and USA TODAY. It finds that, as with previous conflicts over the debt ceiling and fiscal cliff, Obama holds the upper hand politically over congressional Republicans. If there is no deficit deal by March 1, 49% say congressional Republicans would be more to blame while just 31% would mostly blame President Obama.

Moreover, 76% say that the president and Congress should focus on a combination of spending cuts and tax increases to reduce the budget deficit. Just 19% agree with the current Republican position that tax increases should be off the table.

And while Obama’s 51% job approval rating is down slightly from a post-election high of 55%, it remains well above the 25% approval rating for GOP congressional leaders. The job rating for Democratic leaders is higher (37%), though more disapprove (55%) than approve of their performance.

The poll finds new evidence of the public’s concern over the federal budget deficit. Fully 70% say it is essential for the president and Congress to pass major legislation to reduce the federal budget deficit, including wide majorities across party lines. Last month, the Pew Research Center’s annual policy priorities survey found a sharp rise in the percentage rating deficit reduction as a top priority since 2009.

Far fewer say it is essential to act on three other issues that Obama mentioned prominently in his State of the Union address: 51% say it is essential for the president and Congress to act on major immigration legislation; 46% view major gun legislation as essential; just 34% say it is essential to set new federal policies dealing with climate change.

There are wide partisan differences in attitudes about all four issues. This also is the case in views about whether to raise the minimum wage, another proposal Obama raised in his State of the Union.

By a wide margin (71% to 26%), the public favors increasing the minimum wage from its current level of $7.25 per hour to $9.00 an hour. But while large majorities of Democrats (87%) and independents (68%) favor raising the minimum wage, Republicans are evenly divided (50% favor, 47% oppose).

Among all Republicans and Republican-leaning independents, those who agree with the Tea Party oppose the proposed minimum wage hike by two-to-one (64% to 32%). Those who have no opinion of the Tea Party, or disagree with it, favor increasing the minimum wage by 60% to 36%.

Most Want Deficit Efforts Focused Largely on Spending Cuts

A substantial majority of Americans (76%) feel that both spending cuts and tax increases should be a part of the next step in tackling the federal budget deficit. But an equally large proportion believes that the greater share should come from spending cuts, even if tax hikes are also considered.

Overall, 19% say the focus of deficit reduction efforts should be only on spending cuts; just 3% want to concentrate only on tax increases. About four-in-ten Republicans (42%) favor reducing the deficit with spending cuts alone; that compares with 18% of independents and just 6% of Democrats. Even among Republicans, more favor a combination of spending cuts and tax increases to just spending cuts (56% vs. 42%).

When those who favor a balanced approach to reducing the deficit are asked if the focus should mostly be on spending cuts or tax increases, they overwhelmingly say spending cuts. Overall, 73% say efforts by the president and Congress to reduce the deficit should be only or mostly focused on spending cuts while just 19% say the focus should be only or mostly on tax increases.

Immigration: Plurality Favors Border Security and Path to Citizenship

Nearly half (47%) say the priority for illegal immigration is better border security, stronger law enforcement and creating a way for people here illegally to become citizens if they meet certain requirements. Just a quarter (25%) favors an enforcement-only approach while an identical percentage says the focus should only be on a so-called path to citizenship. The percentage favoring a dual approach to immigration policy has risen modestly since June, from 42% to 47%.

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say that better border security and stronger enforcement of immigration laws should be the bigger priority, while Democrats are more likely to want the focus to be on creating a way for illegal immigrants already here to become citizens if they meet certain requirements.

Obama holds a sizable advantage over congressional Republicans on immigration. Half (50%) say that Obama has a better approach to dealing with immigration, compared with 33% who say congressional Republicans have a better approach. Obama’s job approval in handling the nation’s immigration policy, in negative territory for most of his presidency, also has improved.

Currently, about as many approve (44%) as disapprove (43%) of Obama’s handling of immigration policy; in seven surveys since 2009, far more disapproved than approved. Hispanics, in particular, are much more positive about Obama’s job performance on immigration: 63% approve currently, up from just 28% in November 2011.

Views on Gun Control Unchanged Since Shortly After Newtown

Gun control and climate change are potentially even more divisive political issues. For Democrats, 71% say it is essential that the president and Congress pass major gun legislation this year – that is slightly higher than the number saying major deficit reduction legislation is essential (65%). But just 19% of Republicans place the same emphasis on gun legislation. Nearly half of Democrats (47%) view action on climate change as essential this year, compared with 15% of Republicans.

Americans remain divided over whether it is more important to control gun ownership (50%) or protect the right of Americans to own guns (46%), with no significant change in attitudes in the two months since shortly after the Newtown shootings. Similarly, there has been no change in public views about banning high capacity clips (53% favor), banning assault weapons (56% favor), or broader background checks (83% favor).

A majority of Americans (54%) approve of the U.S. Postal Service’s recent decision to halt Saturday delivery of letters, while 32% disapprove of the decision. The planned end of Saturday mail delivery is a rare government decision that garners bipartisan support – 58% of independents approve of the action, as do 57% of Republicans and 51% of Democrats.

Most Americans say they have heard or read at least a little about the Postal Service’s announcement that they plan to stop Saturday delivery of letters to address budget shortfalls. Majorities of those who have heard a lot (67%) or a little (56%) about the action approve of it.

But those who have heard nothing at all about the decision – 16% of the public – disapprove of stopping Saturday mail delivery by more than two-to-one (60% disapprove vs. 25% approve).

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted Feb. 7-10 among 1,004 adults, finds that blacks are the only major demographic group in which a majority (55%) opposes the Postal Service decision to halt Saturday delivery. Whites approve of the decision by more than two-to-one (61% to 26%).

Fewer blacks than whites have heard about the Postal Service’s announcement that it is stopping Saturday deliveries because of budget problems. Nearly three-in-ten blacks (29%) say they heard nothing at all about the announcement, compared with 12% of whites.

People younger than 30 are far less aware of the Postal Service announcement than older people – 42% of those 18-to-29 heard nothing at all about it, compared with just 10% of those 30 and older. Those under 30 also are the only age group in which a majority does not support the decision (38% approve).

Those who use the mail infrequently, or don’t use it at all, are more supportive of the decision to end Saturday delivery than are those who send or receive letters on a weekly basis.

Among the third of Americans (34%) who  seldom or never use the mail for personal letters, 61% approve of the decision to end Saturday delivery and just 21% disapprove. Opinion is more evenly divided among the 40% who send or receive personal letters weekly or more: 50% approve of the decision while 44% disapprove.

When Barack Obama took office four years ago, reducing the budget deficit was a middle-tier item on the public’s agenda. Only about half of Americans (53%) viewed it as a top policy priority in January 2009, placing it ninth on a list of 20 policy goals.

But as Obama begins his second term, only the economy and jobs are viewed as more important priorities for the coming year. Currently, 72% say that reducing the budget deficit should be a top priority, up 19 points from four years ago. (Click here for a graphic of the public’s 2013 priorities).

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Jan. 9-13, 2013 among 1,502 adults, finds that Americans continue to view other domestic initiatives as important priorities as well, despite their focus on the deficit. Growing numbers give high priority to dealing with education, the problems of the poor, crime and the environment.

Fully 70% say that improving the educational system should be a top priority, up from 61% in January 2009. And 57% rate dealing with the problems of the poor and needy as a top priority; four years ago, 50% viewed this as a top priority.

The survey finds that 52% view protecting the environment as a top policy priority, up 11 points from January 2009. However, dealing with global warming remains at the bottom of the public’s agenda for 2013; just 28% see this as a top priority, little changed from recent years.

Gun control also ranks relatively low on the public’s priority list; just 37% rate it as a top priority, 18th out of 21 policy goals tested. This item was last asked in 2001, when support for gun control was much broader nationwide, and 47% rated it as a top priority. However, reducing crime has become a more important policy priority in the past year; 55% rate this as a top priority, up seven points since last January and the highest percentage since 2007.

The public also continues to view the financial security of Social Security and Medicare as major goals. While 70% say taking steps to make Social Security financially sound should be a top priority, a comparable percentage (65%) says the same about making Medicare financially sound.

The survey finds that energy has slipped as a policy priority since Obama took office. Currently, 45% say that dealing with the nation’s energy problems should be a top priority, down from 60% four years ago.

Partisan Differences over Priorities

As in past Pew Research policy priority surveys, Republicans and Democrats offer differing views about the importance of many of the country’s most pressing issues.

Broad majorities of Republicans and Democrats see the economy and jobs as top priorities. And more than seven-in-ten Republicans (74%) and Democrats (72%) say making the Social Security system financially sound should be a top priority, though they may have different views about how to do so.

There is far less consensus on other issues, with some of the largest differences over the environment, gun control, and health care. Nearly seven-in-ten Democrats (69%) say protecting the environment should be a top priority compared with just 32% of Republicans. Democrats also are much more likely to emphasize strengthening gun controls laws (56%) and reducing health care costs (79%) than are Republicans (22% and 46%, respectively).

By contrast, Republicans are far more likely than Democrats to say strengthening the military is a top priority (58% vs. 31%). Republicans also are 17 points more likely than Democrats to say the budget deficit is a top priority, though a majority of Democrats (67%) also give the deficit top priority.

Democrats view more issues as top priorities than do Republicans. Across the 21 issues tested, majorities of Democrats say 13 are top priorities for the president and Congress. Among Republicans, majorities consider eight issues as top priorities.

Deficit Concerns Increase

The budget deficit has increased as a priority since 2009 among Democrats, independents and especially Republicans. Currently, 84% of Republicans say that deficit reduction should be a top priority. While that is unchanged from last year, it is 33 points higher than four years ago, when just 51% of Republicans viewed reducing the deficit as a top priority.

Democrats and independents also rate the deficit as a more important priority than they did in January 2009, though the increases have been smaller. Currently, 67% of Democrats view deficit reduction as a top priority, up from 52% four years ago; the increase among independents has been comparable (71% now, 57%).

For the last few years more Republicans than Democrats have rated reducing the deficit as a top policy priority, but this represents a reversal from the Bush administration, when Democrats typically viewed the deficit as a more important issue. At the start of George W. Bush’s second term in January 2005, for instance, 64% of Democrats and 48% of Republicans said that reducing the budget deficit should be a major priority for the president and Congress.

By contrast, during the Clinton administration, more Republicans viewed deficit reduction as a top policy objective. In January 1997, at the start of Bill Clinton’s second term, 66% of Republicans said reducing the deficit should be a top priority, compared with 54% of Democrats.

Gun Control a Lower Priority than in 2001

Currently, 37% rate strengthening the nation’s gun laws as a top policy priority. In 2001, that last time this item was included on a January priorities survey, 47% viewed this as a top policy priority.

More than half of Democrats (56%) give top priority to strengthening gun control laws compared with 32% of independents and just 22% of Republicans. Since 2001, the priority given to gun control laws has fallen by 12 points each among Republicans and independents while remaining more stable among Democrats; 61% of Democrats viewed gun control as a top priority in 2001, about the same percentage as today (56%).

Women (42%) are somewhat more likely than men (33%) to call gun control a top priority. However, smaller percentages of both women and men view gun control as a top priority than did so at the start of George W. Bush’s first term.

The current survey finds that views of the importance of strengthening gun laws are correlated with gun ownership and opinions about whether it is more important to control gun ownership or to protect gun rights. Nearly half (47%) of those who do not have a gun in their household view strengthening gun laws as a top priority, compared with 24% of those who do. And while 61% of those who say gun control is more important than gun rights prioritize stronger gun laws, just 12% of those who say it is more important to protect gun rights do so. For more on opinions about gun control, see “In Gun Control Debate, Several Options Draw Majority Support,” Jan. 14, 2013.

Environment, Energy and Global Warming

Currently, 52% of Americans say protecting the environment should be a top priority, up nine points from last year. But that is still lower than the high of 63% who said the environment should be a top priority in 2001.

At the same time, the percentage saying that dealing with the nation’s energy problems should be a top priority has slipped from 52% to 45% since last year. For the first time in five years, energy now ranks slightly lower than the environment on the public’s list of priorities.

Dealing with global warming ranks at the bottom of the public’s priority list. Just 28% say it should be a top priority for the president and Congress, little changed from 2012.

More Democrats and independents say the environment should be a top priority than did so a year ago. Fully 69% of Democrats say that, up 11 points from last year. About half (49%) of independents think environmental protection should be a top priority, up somewhat from 40% in 2012. Just 32% of Republicans say that protecting the environment should be a top priority, little changed from a year ago. The 37-point partisan gap on this issue is among the largest for all the policy priorities.

There also is a wide partisan gap over whether global warming should be a major priority. Just 13% of Republicans say dealing with global warming should be a top priority, compared with 38% of Democrats. This is among the lowest priority items for Democrats and Republicans. More independents think global warming should be a top priority (31%) than did so a year ago (21%).

By contrast, there continues to be very little partisan difference on whether dealing with the nation’s energy problems should be a top priority; 45% of both Republicans and Democrats say this.

More Republicans View Stronger Military as Top Priority

Far more Republicans view strengthening the U.S. military as a top policy priority than did so a year ago. In the current survey, 58% of Republicans say this, up from 46% in January 2012. By comparison, 38% of independents and just 31% of Democrats say strengthening the military should be a top priority; both percentages are little changed from January 2012.

Over the past decade, Republicans have consistently been much more likely than Democrats to view strengthening the military as a top policy goal. In January 2009, 64% of Republicans and just 38% of Democrats said strengthening the military should be a top priority for the president and Congress. But those differences narrowed considerably in 2011 and 2012, before widening again this year.

Crime Concerns Increase

A majority of Americans (55%) view reducing crime as a top priority for the president and Congress. This represents a sharp increase from recent years. In 2011, just 44% said crime was a top priority. While up over the past two years, the percentage calling crime a top priority still pales in comparison to the percentages saying this in the 1990s and early 2000s. In 1994, for example, 78% said reducing crime should be a top priority, making it first among the items tested on that survey.

The rise in crime as a top priority has taken place among Democrats and independents, while Republican views are little changed. About six-in-ten Democrats (63%) say crime should be a top priority, up 17 points from 2011. More than half of independents (55%) give top priority to reducing crime, up 11 points over the last two years. By contrast, just 44% of Republicans give high priority to reducing crime, unchanged from January 2011. As a result of these shifts, the gap between Democrats and Republicans is now as large as it has ever been, at 19 points.

Barack Obama is viewed as the clear political winner in the fiscal cliff negotiations, but the legislation itself gets only a lukewarm reception from the public: As many disapprove as approve of the new tax legislation, and more say it will have a negative than positive impact on the federal budget deficit, the national economy and people like themselves.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Jan. 3-6 among 1,003 adults, finds that 57% say that Obama got more of what he wanted from the tax legislation while just 20% say Republican leaders got more of what they wanted. And while 48% approve of the way Obama handled the fiscal cliff negotiations only 19% approve of the way GOP leaders handled the negotiations.

Republicans take a particularly sour view of the outcome: just 16% approve of the final legislation, and by a 74% to 11% margin they think Obama got more of what he wanted. Only 40% of Republicans approve of how their party’s leaders handled the negotiations; by comparison, fully 81% of Democrats approve of how Obama handled the negotiations.

Relatively few Americans expect that the tax legislation that resulted from those talks will help people like themselves, the budget deficit, or the national economy. Just three-in-ten Americans say the tax measure will mostly help people like them; 52% say it will mostly hurt. And even when it comes to the budget deficit, 44% say the deal will mostly hurt, while 33% say it will mostly help.

Political Winners and Losers

There are wide partisan differences in opinions about the tax legislation and the negotiations that produced it. Notably, Republicans are far more likely than Democrats to say that Obama got more of what he wanted from the deal than did Republican leaders in Congress. Fully 74% of Republicans say Obama got more of what he wanted from the talks compared with just 11% who say GOP leaders prevailed.

Democrats and independents also say Obama fulfilled more of his goals in the legislation, but by smaller margins – 53% to 26% among Democrats and 55% to 19% among independents.

Overall, 48% approve of how Obama handled the negotiations over the tax legislation, while just 19% approve of the job GOP leaders did hammering out the legislation. While Republicans broadly disapprove of how Obama handled the tax measure (77% disapprove), they give GOP leaders only mixed approval ratings – 40% approve while 45% disapprove.

Just 14% of independents approve of the way Republican leaders handled the fiscal cliff talks while 69% disapprove. Independents are divided over how Obama handled the negotiations (41% approve, 42% disapprove). Democrats overwhelmingly approve of Obama’s handling of the negotiations (81% approve) and disapprove of GOP leaders (79% disapprove).

Views of Tax Legislation and Its Impact

There also are substantial partisan differences over the tax legislation itself: 58% of Democrats approve of the measure compared with 36% of independents and 18% of Republicans.

These opinions carry over to the impact the legislation will have on average people, the economy and the budget deficit. Republicans take a decidedly negative view of the effects of the legislation in all three areas: 73% say it will mostly hurt people like them, 69% say it will hurt the U.S. economy and 66% say it will hurt the budget deficit.

Democrats offer much more positive views of the legislation, with majorities saying it will mostly help the economy (58%) and the budget deficit (53%). Half of Democrats (50%) say it will mostly help people like them, while more than a third (36%) say it will mostly hurt.

There are educational differences in opinions about the personal impact of the tax legislation. A majority of those with no more than a high school education (60%) say it will mostly hurt people like them, as do half (50%) of those of those with only some college experience. Among college graduates, 40% say the bill will have a mostly negative impact on them personally while as many (40%) see a mostly positive impact.

Attentive Public More Supportive of Bill

Nearly four-in-ten Americans (38%) say they followed passage of the fiscal cliff legislation very closely. That is comparable to interest in the fiscal cliff talks over previous weeks. Similar percentages of Democrats (44%) and Republicans (41%) followed the legislative end-game very closely; somewhat fewer independents (31%) did so.

Those who tracked the news about passage of the tax legislation very closely are more likely than those who followed it less closely to approve of the measure (49% vs. 32%). In addition, 57% of those who followed the bill’s passage approve of Obama’s handling of the legislation, compared with 42% of those who tracked it less closely.

Public Still Hearing Mixed Economic News

The public continues to say they are hearing mixed news about the nation’s economy: 59% say they are hearing a mix of both good and bad news about the economy these days, while 32% say they are hearing mostly bad news and only 6% say they are hearing mostly good economic news.

Wide partisan gaps persist in views of economic news. Nearly half of Republicans (48%) say they have been hearing mostly bad news compared with 36% of independents and just 18% of Democrats.

With less than two weeks to go before the nation goes over the fiscal cliff, the public remains pessimistic about the possibility that the president and Congress will reach an agreement by the Jan. 1 deadline. In fact, opinions about the likelihood of a deal remain largely unchanged since early November, when negotiations between the two sides began.

The latest survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Dec. 13-16 among 1,006 adults, finds that 40% expect that the president and congressional Republicans will reach an agreement to prevent automatic spending cuts and tax increases from taking effect Jan. 1. Nearly half (49%) say they will not get a deal.

Opinions about the possibility of a deal have not changed at all since an early December survey by the Pew Research Center and The Washington Post. Moreover, they have not changed significantly since a Nov. 8-11 Pew Research/Washington Post survey.

The survey finds that, as was the case in early December, Democrats are more optimistic than Republicans or independents about the possibility of a fiscal cliff agreement. About half of Democrats (51%) expect an agreement to be reached by the Jan. 1 deadline. Majorities of Republicans (59%) and independents (53%) disagree.

The Democrats are in a strong position with the public as they engage in negotiations to find a solution to the fiscal cliff crisis. Barack Obama’s first post-reelection job approval rating has risen to 55%, up five points since July and 11 points since the start of the year. Obama’s job rating is markedly higher than George W. Bush’s first job measure (48%) after he won reelection in 2004.

When it comes to the reaching an agreement to avoid the fiscal cliff, 55% say Obama is making a serious effort to work with Republicans. But just 32% say Republican leaders are making a serious effort to work with Obama on a deficit deal.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Dec. 5-9 among 1,503 adults, finds that the current problems for the GOP run deep. Just 25% approve of the way Republican leaders in Congress are doing their jobs, while 40% approve of Democratic leaders’ job performance. And the GOP’s lead negotiator, House Speaker John Boehner, is viewed more unfavorably (40%) than favorably (28%).

By a 53% to 33% margin, the public sees the Republican Party, rather than the Democratic Party, as “more extreme in its positions.” Democrats, on the other hand, are seen as “more willing to work with leaders from the other party” by roughly two-to-one (53% vs. 27%).

Americans have long felt that deficit reduction should be achieved with a combination of spending cuts and tax increases, and as the debate intensifies, this consensus is only growing. Nearly three-quarters (74%) say the best way to reduce the deficit is by both cutting major programs and increasing taxes, up from 69% in September and just 60% in July 2011 when the debate focused on raising the debt ceiling. Just 11% say the focus should mostly be on program cuts and 7% say the focus should be mostly on tax increases.

However, while the public endorses a balanced approach to deficit reduction, majorities continue to oppose making cuts in federal funding for several specific programs, including education (77% disapprove), roads and transportation (67%), programs to aid low-income Americans (58%) and military defense (55%). And majorities also disapprove of gradually raising the retirement age for Medicare and Social Security (56% each).

In fact, the only deficit reduction proposals that garner more support than opposition – among 12 items tested – are those that affect higher income Americans, either directly or indirectly. Of the 12, by far the most widely supported option is raising taxes on incomes over $250,000; fully 69% approve of that proposal. Narrow majorities also favor limiting the deductions a taxpayer can claim (54% approve) and raising the tax rate on investment income (52%).

There is more support for an overall cap on tax deductions than for a limit on the tax deduction for home mortgage interest: opinion runs against limiting the mortgage deduction (41% approve, 52% disapprove), but in favor of a more general deduction limit as some have proposed (54% approve, 40% disapprove).

While the nation’s budget deficit may be the focus in Washington, the public continues to view the job situation as the most worrisome national economic issue. Four-in-ten (40%) say the job situation is the top economic worry, while 25% say the federal budget deficit. These views have changed little since March.

Although the public expresses doubts about the Republican Party’s leadership and approach to the current discussion, the GOP still engenders about as much confidence as the Democrats on the public’s top two economic worries – jobs and the deficit. But Democrats hold significant leads on all other domestic issues tested, including education, energy, health care and Social Security, as well as being seen as the party better able to manage the federal government by a 45% to 36% margin.

And there has been no improvement in the Republican Party’s image over the past year. The job approval rating of Republican congressional leaders, which fell to just 22% in August of 2011 after the debt ceiling debate, stands virtually unchanged at 25% today. Meanwhile, the job rating for both Democratic leaders in Congress (now 40% up from 29% in August 2011) and Obama (55% up from 43%) have rebounded by double-digits.

The recovery in Obama’s job approval ratings is particularly notable; other than a brief spike following the killing of Osama bin Laden, Obama’s approval has not been significantly above 50% since September of his first year in office.

And this corresponds with a less sour assessment of the economy. While few say the economy is in good shape, the number describing economic conditions as poor stands at 35%, the lowest since January 2008. And while only 22% believe that plenty of jobs are available, that is up from 10% in early 2010, and the highest since 2008. However, while current conditions appear slightly better, expectations for the future have taken a turn for the worse. The share who think economic conditions will be worse a year from now has risen to 25%, a four year high.

Partisanship is a factor in the changing views of the economy, particularly the public’s less positive economic outlook. Republicans, who no doubt were stung by Obama’s victory last month and are deeply pessimistic about progress toward a deal to avoid the fiscal cliff, have an increasingly negative economic outlook.

Nearly half of Republicans (47%) say the economy will be worse a year from now than it is today. In January, just 19% expected national conditions to worsen. Economic expectations among Democrats and independents are little changed from the start of this year.

A Pew Research Center/Washington Post poll last week found that 69% of Republicans said Obama and congressional Republicans will not reach a budget agreement by the Jan.1 deadline. By contrast, most Democrats (55%) predicted that the two sides would be able to reach an agreement in time.

Republicans’ deepening gloom – about the economy and the fiscal cliff – appears to have colored their overall expectations for the coming year. Fully 69% say 2013 will be worse than 2012; that compares with just 9% of Democrats and 38% of independents. Last January, just 37% of Republicans said the year ahead would be worse than the year that had just passed.

Meanwhile, there has been an across the board rise in the number saying that the country is more politically divided than it was in the past. Currently, 80% view the country as more politically divided – the highest percentage ever in a Pew Research Center survey. Nearly identical percentages of Democrats (82%), Republicans (81%) and independents (80%) say the country is more politically divided.

And 60% now say the people they know also are more politically divided. That is higher than the percentages saying this shortly after Obama first won the presidency (47% in January 2009) and Bush won his second term (53% in December 2004). In the current survey, majorities of Republicans (67%), independents (60%) and Democrats (58%) say the people they know are more divided over politics than in the past.

Other Findings

Military’s Ratings Still Strong. Favorable ratings for the military – and military leaders – remain strong despite the recent scandal involving former Gen. David Petraeus. More than eight-in-ten (83%) express a favorable opinion of the military while 71% have a favorable view of military leaders. Both measures are little changed from past years.

Views of Supreme Court Still Divided. The partisan differences in opinions about the Supreme Court that emerged after its ruling on the 2010 health care law remain evident. About six-in-ten Democrats (62%) have a favorable opinion of the court, compared with 44% of Republicans. In April, before its July ruling upholding most of the law, there were no significant differences in views of the court.

Mixed Awareness of Fiscal Cliff. A majority (57%) knows that the fiscal cliff involves automatic spending cuts and tax increases and 70% know that nearly all taxpayers – not just those with high incomes – would be affected. But just 38% know that if the spending cuts go into effect, the military would be most affected.

With Washington making little apparent progress in efforts to avoid going over the “fiscal cliff,” public opinion about the situation has changed little over the past three weeks.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and The Washington Post, conducted Nov. 29-Dec. 2 among 1,003 adults, finds continued pessimism over prospects for a deficit agreement.

Four-in-ten (40%) expect that the president and congressional Republicans will reach a deal by Jan. 1 to prevent automatic tax increases and spending cuts from taking effect; 49% say they will not. If no deal is reached, far more say congressional Republicans would be more to blame (53%) than President Obama (27%). These opinions are virtually unchanged since early November.

Democrats continue to be much more optimistic about prospects for a fiscal cliff compromise than either Republicans or independents. A majority of Democrats (55%) expect Obama and congressional Republicans will reach an agreement before Jan. 1 to prevent the automatic tax increases and spending cuts. Just 37% of independents and 22% of Republicans say an agreement will be reached.

Most Americans feel like they have only a dim understanding of what might happen if the automatic spending cuts and tax increase go into effect. Just 28% say they understand the consequences very well, while 29% understand them fairly well. These impressions also have changed little over the past three weeks.

Nonetheless, the public continues to see dire consequences – both for the nation’s economy and themselves – if the government goes over the fiscal cliff. While more say the nation’s economy (64%) than their own finances (43%) would be greatly affected, roughly six-in-ten say the impact would be negative for both the economy generally (60%) and their own personal finances (61%).

Democrats More Optimistic about Agreement

Republicans and Democrats continue to have starkly different expectations for the negotiations aimed at forestalling the automatic spending cuts and tax increases. Fully 69% of Republicans and 52% of independents say Obama and Republicans will not reach agreement in time to prevent the automatic measures from going into the effect. Yet Democrats remain optimistic – 55% predict an agreement will be reached while 36% do not.

Democrats overwhelmingly say Republicans in Congress would be more to blame if an agreement is not reached (77%). A smaller majority of Republicans (62%) say Obama should bear more of the blame. A third of Republicans (33%) say either that Republicans in Congress would be more to blame (19%) or volunteer than both sides would be equally to blame (14%). Just 16% of Democrats say Obama would be more to blame or that both sides would be equally to blame.

Fewer Young People Understand Fiscal Cliff

Overall, 57% of Americans say they have at least a fairly good understanding of what would happen if automatic spending cuts and tax increases go into effect as scheduled Jan. 1. But just 28% say they understand the consequences very well. There is no major demographic or political group in which a majority says they have a very good understanding of the possible impact of the fiscal changes.

In particular, people with lower family incomes, as well as those with less education and those younger than 30, feel like they have a dim understanding of what might happen if the spending and tax changes kick in. A majority (55%) of those with family incomes of less than $30,000 and 49% of those who have not attended college say they understand the possible implications not too well or not at all well; 54% of Americans younger than 30 say the same.

There are only modest partisan differences in how well people understand the effects of automatic spending cuts and tax increases: 61% of Republicans, 58% of Democrats and 55% of independents say they understand the impact of possible tax and spending changes very or fairly well.

Weekly News Interest

The debate in Washington over the fiscal cliff is the public’s top story this week: 40% paid very close attention to news about the debate over the automatic spending cuts and tax increases that will take effect Jan. 1 unless the president and Congress act.

Only about half as many (21%) followed news about another Washington story very closely – the debate over whether U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice should become secretary of state. Notably, there are only slight partisan differences in interest in the debate over Rice. A quarter of Republicans (25%), 21% of Democrats and 18% of independents followed this story very closely.

Three foreign stories attracted less public interest than news about Susan Rice or the fiscal cliff. Just 15% of Americans say they followed news about violence in Syria very closely; about as many very closely tracked news about political turmoil and protests in Egypt (14%) and the debate at the U.N. over the Palestinian territories (also 14%).

As the president and congressional leaders begin negotiations to avoid the “fiscal cliff” deadline at the end of the year, there is widespread public concern about the possible financial consequences. More say the automatic spending cuts and tax increases scheduled to take effect in January would have a major effect on the U.S. economy than on their own finances. But nearly identical majorities say the effect of the changes would be mostly negative for the economy (62%) and their personal financial situation (60%).

The public is skeptical that President Obama and congressional Republicans will reach an agreement by the end of the year to avoid the fiscal cliff. About half (51%) say the two sides will not reach an agreement, while just 38% say they will. If no deal is reached, more say that congressional Republicans would be more to blame than President Obama (53% vs. 29%).

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and The Washington Post, conducted Nov. 8-11, 2012, among 1,000 adults finds sharp partisan divisions over prospects for a deal to avoid the fiscal measures from automatically taking effect.

Republicans are particularly skeptical: By a 66%-25% margin more think an agreement will not be reached. By comparison, Democrats are about as likely to expect a deal to be made (47%), as not (40%). Among independents, 51% do not think President Obama and Republicans and in Congress will come to an agreement, while 37% think this will happen.

If an agreement is not reached, 85% of Democrats and 53% of independents say that Republicans in Congress would be more to blame. About two-thirds of Republicans (68%) say that if an agreement is not reached, President Obama would be more to blame.

Impressions of Fiscal Cliff

While debate over the fiscal cliff is the dominant issue in Washington, many Americans say they do not fully understand the consequences of the tax and spending measures taking effect. Only about quarter (26%) say they understand very well what would happen if the automatic spending cuts and tax increases were to go into effect in January; 32% say they understand the effect of these changes fairly well. About four-in-ten (42%) say they understand the impact of these measures not too well (23%) or not at all well (17%).

There are only slight partisan differences in percentages saying they understand the consequences of the fiscal cliff: 64% of Republicans and 61% of Democrats say they understand the possible impact of the spending and tax changes. That compares with 53% of independents.

Those who say they understand the potential impact of the automatic spending cuts and tax increases either very or fairly well are more likely to say there will be a major impact on the U.S. economy (75%) and their own personal finances (48%) than are those who understand the issue not too well or not at all well (58% major impact on economy, 38% major impact on personal finances).

The election is the public’s top news story this week: Fully 60% say they followed news about the presidential election very closely. That is the same as the percentage tracking election news during the week that Obama was elected president four years ago (60%).

Nearly half (46%) followed news about the impact of Hurricane Sandy very closely, down slightly from 53% a week prior.

Interest in news about the fiscal cliff nearly equals interest in news about the economy. Nearly four-in-ten (38%) followed news about the debate in Washington over the possible spending cuts and tax increases very closely; 41% paid very close attention to economic news. In July, just 23% followed news about the possible tax and spending changes very closely.

Partisan Divide in Views of Fiscal Cliff

Republicans and Democrats take somewhat different views on the effect automatic spending cuts and tax increases would have on the economy and their own personal finances.

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say there would be a major effect on the economy (78% vs. 64%) as well as on their own personal finances (54% vs. 39%).

In addition, 79% of Republicans say the effect on the economy would be negative and 74% see a negative impact on their own personal finances. By comparison, Democrats express less concern: 50% say the economic effect of automatic spending cuts and tax increases would be mostly negative, and 52% say the same about the effect on their personal finances.