The public broadly supports the military’s decision to lift restrictions on women in combat. Two-thirds (66%) support allowing women in the military to serve in ground units that engage in close combat, while just 26% are opposed. Opinion on this question is little changed from a Washington Post/ABC News survey two years ago.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and The Washington Post, conducted Jan. 24-27 among 1,005 adults, finds that the public is evenly divided over whether allowing women to take on combat roles represents a major change for the U.S. military: 47% say it is, while an equal percentage says this is just a minor change.

The survey, conducted after Defense Secretary Leon Panetta ended the ban on women serving in ground combat units, finds that most Americans (58%) think that the policy shift will improve opportunities for women in the military.

By contrast, fewer think the decision will have an impact on military effectiveness. Nearly half (49%) say allowing women to serve in combat roles will not make much difference to military effectiveness; among those who say it will have an impact, nearly twice as many say this will make military effectiveness better (29%) rather than worse (15%).

Men, Women Equally Supportive of Lifting Combat Ban

Majorities of nearly all demographic groups offer support for allowing women to serve in ground units that engage in close combat. Notably, almost identical percentages of men (65%) and women (66%) support the change.

About three-quarters of Democrats (76%) support allowing women in combat roles, as do 65% of independents. Republicans also favor the change in military policy, but by a much narrower 55%-37% margin.

Older Americans are less supportive of the change in military policy than younger Americans. Among those 65 and older, 52% support the decision while 36% are opposed. By contrast, more than seven-in-ten of those younger than 50 (72%) support allowing women to serve in combat roles.

There is little difference in views among those who live in a household with someone who has served in the military and those who do not. Overall, 63% of those in veteran households favor the decision compared with 67% of those in non-veteran households.

However, those who view the introduction of women into combat roles as a major change are less likely than those who see it as a minor change to support the policy (60% vs. 73%).

Views of Policy Impact on Effectiveness, Women’s Opportunities

A 49% plurality says allowing women to serve in combat roles will not make much difference in terms of military effectiveness. Of those who do think there will be an impact, more say women in combat roles will make military effectiveness better (29%) than worse (15%).

Far more Democrats say the change will improve military effectiveness (38%) than worsen it (7%); 52% say it will not make much difference. By contrast, more Republicans say women in combat roles will have a negative effect on military effectiveness (29%) than make it better (20%); 41% say things will not be much different.

Those in military households have a more skeptical view of the impact on military effectiveness than do those in non-military households.

Among those who say they or someone in their household has served in the military, 26% say allowing women in combat roles will improve effectiveness while about as many (22%) say it will make it worse; 44% say it will not make much difference. Among those in non-military households, more than twice as many say the policy shift will have a positive effect (31%) than negative effect (12%); 52% say it will not make much difference.

The change in military policy is widely seen as having a positive impact on opportunities for women in the military. A broad 58% majority says allowing women to serve in combat roles will lead to better opportunities for women in the military, 30% say it will not make much difference and only 7% say it will make opportunities worse.

Those in both military (56%) and non-military (59%) households say the change in military policy will make opportunities for women better. However, Republicans (46%) are less likely than independents (59%) or Democrats (67%) to say the change will improve opportunities for women in the military.

In the Pew Research Center’s most recent national survey, conducted March 7-11, Obama led Mitt Romney by 20 points (58% to 38%) among women voters. It marked the second consecutive month that Obama held such a wide advantage over Romney among women (59% to 38% in February). In both February and March, Obama ran about even with Romney among men.

In the March survey, Obama’s overall lead over Rick Santorum was 18 points. Fully 61% of women voters said they would favor Obama in a matchup with Santorum, compared with just 35% who backed the former Pennsylvania senator.

The gender gap – the difference in support for a candidate among women and men – is about as wide today as it was at this point in the campaign four years ago. In March 2008, both Democratic candidates, Obama and Hillary Clinton, had narrower overall leads over John McCain than Obama has today. Obama ran about even with McCain among men, but he led by 14 points among women (53% to 39%). Clinton trailed among men, yet also led by 14 points among women.

In November 2008, Obama defeated McCain by eight points (53% to 45%). While Obama essentially broke even with McCain among men (49% Obama, 48% McCain), he held a commanding 56% to 43% over McCain among women.

The gender gap in 2008 – the seven-point difference between women and men in support for the Democratic candidate – was comparable to the gap in most elections since 1980. Even when Democratic candidates failed to garner a majority of the women’s vote – as in 1980, 1984 and 1988 – they still drew more support from women than from men.

The election of 1992 was unusual because of Ross Perot’s popular third-party campaign. Still, the gender gap was significant: Women backed Bill Clinton over George H.W. Bush, 45% to 37%, with 17% supporting Perot. Clinton had a narrower lead among men (41% Clinton, 38% Bush); 21% of men voted for Perot, according to exit polls conducted after the 1992 election.

Obama Holds Larger Lead among Younger Women

In the March survey, Obama led Romney by 31 points among women younger than 50 (64% to 33%), and had a sizable advantage among women 50 to 64 (58% to 36%). But Romney ran about even with Obama among women 65 and older (48% Obama, 49% Romney).

Among men, by contrast, there were no significant differences by age: Obama and Romney ran about even in all three age categories.

Obama led Romney among women in all three main income categories, including those with family incomes of $75,000 or more. Romney held a slight edge among men with incomes of $75,000 or more.

Notably, Romney’s lead among white men (55% to 40%) was on par with McCain’s lead among this group in 2008 (57% to 41%). White women were evenly divided in the March survey (48% Romney, 48% Obama). In 2008, McCain led Obama by seven points (53% to 46%) among white women.

Gap in Party ID

Just as women have been more likely to vote Democratic in presidential elections, a higher percentage also identifies with or leans toward the Democratic Party or lean Democratic.

In Pew Research Center polls this year, 52% of women identify with the Democratic Party or lean Democratic, compared with 43% of men. That is in line with the gender gap in party identification dating back to 1990. In 2008, 56% of women and 46% of men identified as Democrats or leaned Democratic.

Aside from a gender gap, there also is a marriage gap in party identification. In 2011, fully 62% of single women voters identified with or leaned toward the Democratic Party. Just 31% of single women voters identified with or leaned toward the GOP.

Among married women voters, nearly as many identified with the GOP, or leaned Republican (45%), as identified with or leaned toward the Democratic Party (48%). Among men voters, a marriage gap also was evident but it was much narrower.

Gender and Key Issues

There are several clusters of issues on which men and women divide, including views of government and its role. Yet gender differences do not follow a predictable pattern. On social issues, for instance, there is a wide gender gap in views of gay marriage, but not abortion.

For more than a decade, women have been more likely than men to favor an active role for government. And recent surveys show that higher percentages of women than men say that government should do more for the poor, children and the elderly.

In the October 2011 survey, nearly half of the public (48%) favored a smaller government that provides fewer services, while 41% preferred a bigger government with more services. While 45% of women preferred a bigger government with more services, fewer men agreed (36%). That was in line with the gender differences on this issue dating back to at least 2000.

The October survey also found higher percentages of women than men saying that the government does not do enough for older people (by 11 points), children (10 points) and the poor (nine points). By contrast, there were no differences in views of how much the government does for wealthy people. Nearly identical percentages (65% of women, 64% of men) said it does too much for the wealthy.

There also were significant gaps on two issues involving the role of government in a survey on public priorities for the president and Congress in 2012 – helping the poor and needy, and education. In a January survey, 72% of women cited education as a top priority, compared with 57% of men. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) women rated helping the poor and needy as a top priority, compared with 46% of men.

There is not a significant gender gap on the general question of whether government regulation of business is necessary, or usually does more harm than good. However, women are far more likely than men to say that government regulations should be strengthened in a number of areas.

In February, 61% of women, but only 45% of men, said regulations on food production and packaging should be strengthened. Women also were more likely to favor stronger regulations on workplace safety and health (by 13 points) and in environmental protection (by nine points). (For more, see “Auto Bailout Now Backed, Stimulus Divisive,” Feb. 23, 2012.)

Views of Social Issues

One of the recent political controversies in the social issues arena involved a proposed federal rule that would require employers, including most religiously affiliated institutions, to cover birth control as part of their health care benefits.

In February, the public was divided when asked if a waiver should be given to religiously-affiliated organizations that objected to the use of contraceptives or whether they should be required to provide coverage for birth control like other employers.  (See “Public Divided over Birth Control Insurance Mandate,” Feb. 14, 2012.)

The gender differences on this issue were relatively modest. Roughly half of women (48%) who heard about the issue said that religiously affiliated organizations that object to contraceptives should be required to cover them; 42% said they should be given an exemption from the rule. Men, by 54% to 40%, favored the exemption.

Notably, women younger than 50 were far less likely than older women to have heard about the issue. Among younger women who had heard about the issue, 53% said religious institutions should be required to cover contraceptives, while 40% said they should be given an exemption. Women 50 and older were evenly divided (45% required, 43% be given an exemption).

There are virtually no gender differences in opinions about abortion. Last November, about half of women (52%) and men (50%) said abortion should be legal in all or most cases; 42% of women and 44% of men said it should be illegal in all or most cases. These views have changed little in Pew Research Center surveys going back more than a decade.

However, there is a sizable difference in women’s and men’s attitudes toward gay marriage. In an October 2011 survey, 53% of women favored allowing gays and lesbians to marry legally, while 38% were opposed. More men opposed than supported same-sex marriage (51% to 40%).

The gender gap was evident among young and old alike: 60% of women younger than 50 favored gay marriage, compared with 45% of men. Among those 50 and older, 44% of women and 32% of men favored gay marriage.

Health Care: No Gap, Little Change

One issue on which there is virtually no gender gap is the 2010 health care law. In March, 47% of men and 46% of women approved of the health care legislation passed by Barack Obama and Congress in 201o.

There also is little difference in opinion about the health care law’s so-called individual mandate. Nearly six-in ten men (57%) and (54%) of women disapprove of the law’s requirement that all individuals be covered by health insurance or pay a penalty.

In April 2010, more men disapproved (47%) than approved (36%) of the bill. Women were more evenly divided (44% approved, 41% disapproved). (For more about polling on the health care law, see “Public Remains Split on Health Care Bill, Opposed to Mandate,” March 26, 2012.)

Environment and Energy

Somewhat more women (75%) than men (67%) say the country should do whatever it takes to protect the environment. Just 20% of women and 28% of men say the country has gone too far in environmental protection.

There are larger gender differences on some environmental policies – notably the idea of promoting increased use of nuclear power. In the March survey, 57% of men favored increasing the use of nuclear power, compared with just 31% of women. A larger majority of men (70%) than women (60%) also supported allowing more offshore oil and gas drilling as a way to address the nation’s energy

But on other energy policies – requiring better vehicle fuel efficiency, giving tax breaks for oil and gas exploration, increased federal funding for mass transit, or increased funding for alternative energy research – there were virtually no differences in the opinions of men and women.

In addition, men and women share similar views about global warming: In a survey last November, 65% of women and 60% of men said that there is solid evidence that the earth’s average temperature has been rising over the past few decades.

Foreign Policy and National Security

Women are somewhat less supportive of possible military action in Iran than are men. In February, 62% of men and 54% of women said it is more important to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons even if it means taking military action. Only about three-in-ten men (29%) and women (30%) said it was more important to avoid a military conflict, with Iran, if that means the country develops nuclear weapons.

When it comes to the U.S. military mission in Afghanistan, majorities of men (56%) and women (59%) favor removing the troops as soon as possible. That survey, conducted in early March before reports that a U.S. soldier allegedly murdered 17 Afghan civilians, also found that men and women have similar views about the way things are going in Afghanistan.

More generally, in a survey conducted in March 2011, a higher percentage of men than women said that the best way to ensure peace is through military strength (35% vs. 27%). About half of men (53%) and 62% of women said peace is best ensured through diplomacy.

About six-in-ten Americans (62%) have heard about the proposed federal rule that would require employers, including most religiously affiliated institutions, to cover birth control as part of their health care benefits. Among those aware of the issue, opinion is closely divided over whether these institutions should be given an exemption to the rule if they object to the use of contraceptives: 48% support an exemption and 44% say they should be required to cover contraceptives like other employers.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press and the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, conducted Feb. 8-12 among 1,501 adults, finds sharp divisions on the issue by religious affiliation, party and ideology.

The Obama administration announced Feb. 10 that it would modify the mandate in response to criticism that the rule would force religious organizations to violate their religious beliefs in providing contraception coverage. The survey shows little difference in opinions among people interviewed before the administration’s proposed modification on Feb. 10 and those interviewed afterwards.

Among Catholics who have heard at least a little about the issue, 55% favor giving religious institutions that object to the use of contraceptives an exemption from the federal rule, while 39% oppose exempting those institutions. White evangelical Protestants, by an even larger margin (68% to 22%), favor giving religious institutions an exemption. White mainline Protestants are divided (44% favor an exemption, 46% are opposed). By contrast, a majority (55%) of the religiously unaffiliated who have heard about the issue say religious institutions that object to the use of contraceptives should be required to cover them like other institutions, while 39% favor giving an exemption to these institutions.

There also are wide partisan and ideological divisions in opinions about the issue. Nearly three-quarters (73%) of Republicans, and 82% of Republican and Republican-leaning independents who agree with the Tea Party, favor giving religious institutions that object to contraceptives an exemption from the new federal rule. By about two-to-one (64% to 29%), Democrats say religious institutions should be required to cover contraceptives like other employers; liberal Democrats (72%) are more likely than conservative and moderate Democrats (58%) to favor this approach.

Independents are split: 48% say religious institutions that object to the use of contraceptives should be required to cover them like other employers, while 46% favor giving religious institutions an exemption.

A narrow majority of men (54%) who have heard at least a little about this issue say religious institutions that object to the use of contraceptives should be given an exemption from the new federal rule. Only about four-in-ten women (42%) agree.

This issue has attracted much more attention from people at either end of the political spectrum than those in the middle. Overall, 71% of Republicans, 63% of Democrats and 58% of independents have heard at least a little about the new federal rule on contraceptive coverage. However, 65% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents who agree with the Tea Party have heard a lot about this issue, compared with just 25% of other Republicans and Republican leaners. Among Democrats, about twice as many liberals (43%) as conservatives and moderates (21%) have heard a lot about the new federal rule on contraceptive coverage.

Awareness of the controversy is also far higher among older adults than among the young. Six-in-ten (60%) adults ages 18-29 have heard nothing about the issue, compared with just 24% among those 50 and older. Among people ages 30-49, 43% have not heard about it.

The contraception story was a particular focus of talk show hosts on cable and radio. According to the Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism, fully 24% of the time studied on talk shows on both radio and cable news channels during the past week was devoted to the contraception controversy. That contrasts with 8% of news coverage overall.

Where Catholics Stand

The issue of requiring contraceptive coverage is of particular relevance to Catholics, since many of the institutions that initially raised religious objections to the rule are affiliated with the Catholic Church. Along with white Protestants, white Catholics are more likely than members of other religious groups to say that they have heard at least a little about the issue. Among white Catholics, 71% say they have heard about the rule, as have 70% of white evangelical Protestants and 67% of white mainline Protestants.

While 55% of Catholics who have heard about the rule support an exemption to it, opinion varies considerably by frequency of church attendance. Among Catholics who attend Mass at least once a week, 63% support an exemption while 25% say religiously affiliated institutions should have to cover contraceptives like other employers. Among those who attend less often, opinion is evenly divided (48% favor an exemption, 49% oppose one).

About one-quarter of Catholic churchgoers (24%) report having heard about the issue in church. Among Catholics who report attending Mass weekly, 32% said the rule was brought up recently by their priest or other church official.

Although the use of contraception is forbidden by church doctrine, few U.S. Catholics regard the use of contraceptives as morally wrong. Just 15% of Catholics say that using contraceptives is morally wrong, while 41% say it is morally acceptable and 36% say it is not a moral issue. Even among Catholics who attend church weekly, just 27% say contraception is morally wrong.

By comparison, 55% of Catholics (and 68% of those who attend Mass weekly) regard having an abortion as morally wrong. Among the public overall, 48% regard having an abortion as morally wrong.

Another practice forbidden by church doctrine – getting a divorce – is regarded as morally wrong by only 19% of Catholics.

Reactions to Federal Court Decision on Same-Sex Marriage

Almost eight-in-ten Americans (78%) are aware of a federal court ruling last week that a California law banning same-sex marriage is unconstitutional. One-in-three (33%) have heard a lot about the ruling, and 45% have heard a little about it.

Among those who have heard about the issue, more express negative than positive reactions to the ruling. More than four-in-ten (44%) say they are disappointed (31%) or angry (13%). Just a third (33%) say they are pleased (20%) or very happy (13%). About one-in-five (22%) volunteer that they have none of these reactions (15%) or have no opinion (7%).

A majority of Republicans (58%) say they are disappointed (39%) or angry (20%) about the court decision. Just 21% are pleased (15%) or very happy (6%). Democrats, on balance, have a positive reaction to the court’s ruling: 46% are either pleased (27%) or very happy (19%), while 34% are either disappointed (26%) or angry (8%). Independents’ reactions mirror those of the general public, with 42% expressing disappointment (29%) or anger (13%) and 33% saying they are pleased (20%) or very happy (13%).

Among religious groups, white evangelical Protestants have the most negative reactions to the verdict, while the views of white mainline Protestants and Catholics are more mixed. About six-in-ten white evangelical Protestants (59%) say they are either angry (25%) or disappointed (35%), compared with fewer than half of Catholics (42%) or white mainline Protestants (43%). Roughly a third in each of the latter groups is very happy or pleased with the ruling. Among those unaffiliated with a religion, 45% say they are very happy (20%) or pleased (25%) with the ruling, while 30% are disappointed (20%) or angry (10%).

Read the complete analysis at pewresearch.org

Read the full article at nytimes.com

Read full analysis at Pewresearch.org

From managing busy schedules to dealing with outside influences, mothers have their hands full these days. There is broad agreement among the public that it is harder to be a parent today – especially a mother – than it was in the 1970s or 1980s. Fully 70% of the public says it is more difficult to be a mother today than it was 20 or 30 years ago, while somewhat fewer (60%) say the same about being a father.

A national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted Feb.16-March 14 among 2,020 Americans, finds a widespread belief that today’s parents are not measuring up to the standard that parents set a generation ago. Mothers are seen as having the more difficult job, but they are also judged more harshly than are fathers. More than half of Americans (56%) say that mothers are doing a worse job today than mothers did 20 or 30 years ago. By comparison, somewhat fewer people (47%) say fathers are doing a worse job than fathers did 20 or 30 years ago.

The biggest challenge in raising children today, according to parents and non-parents alike, is dealing with the outside influences of society. Nearly four-in-ten Americans (38%) list societal factors when asked in an open-ended format to name the biggest challenge for parents today. Among the top specific concerns mentioned are drugs and alcohol, peer pressure, and the impact of television and other media.

Beyond societal influences, other perceived challenges in raising children include teaching morals and values, maintaining discipline, handling the financial aspects of childrearing, and dealing with the educational system.

The views of mothers and fathers are similar when it comes to the challenges parents face today. Societal factors – including drugs and alcohol, peer pressure, and entertainment media – are the top concern for mothers and fathers alike.

It’s Not Easy Being Mom…or Dad

Overall, 70% of Americans say that mothers today have a more difficult job than mothers did 20 or 30 years ago. Fewer than one-in-five (17%) say the job of motherhood is about the same as it was then, while 11% say it is easier today.

By comparison, 60% believe that it is more difficult to be a father than it was 20 or 30 years ago. About a quarter (26%) say fatherhood is about the same as it was a generation ago, while 12% say it is easier.

Men and women express similar views about the difficulty of being a mother or father today compared with the past. However, there are age differences in men’s opinions about the difficulty of being a father today. Fully 70% of men ages 50-64 say being a father is more difficult today, compared with 59% of men ages 30-49, and just 46% of men under age 30.

Dads Get Higher Ratings

Fathers today get higher grades than mothers for their performance, especially from women. Overall, 47% of Americans say fathers of children under the age of 18 are now doing a worse job as parents than fathers did 20 or 30 years ago; this compares with 56% who say mothers are doing a worse job. About one-in-five (21%) say today’s fathers are doing a better job compared with fathers a generation ago; far fewer (9%) say that today’s mothers are doing a better job than their predecessors 20 or 30 years ago.

The gender gap in evaluations of fathers is substantial. A solid majority of men (55%) say today’s fathers are doing a worse job than did fathers a generation ago, but just 40% of women agree. Most women say that today’s fathers are now doing a better job (27%), or at least as good a job (29%), as fathers did 20 or 30 years ago. Women are much harder on themselves – 54% say today’s mothers are doing a worse job when compared with mothers 20 or 30 years ago.

Among men, the fathers of adult children and those who are not parents are the most critical of today’s dads. In each case, 60% say that today’s fathers are doing a worse job than the previous generation of fathers. Dads with children under age 18 have a more positive view of contemporary fathers: 47% say today’s dads are doing a worse job; 20% say they are doing a better job; and 29% say they are doing about the same job as fathers 20 or 30 years ago.

There also is a substantial racial gap in evaluations of today’s fathers. Two-thirds of African Americans (67%) say that today’s fathers are doing a worse job than fathers did 20 or 30 years ago; just 44% of whites agree. Only about one-in-ten blacks (11%) say today’s fathers are doing a better job than did fathers a generation ago, compared with 24% of whites. The racial gap is even larger among women. White women are nearly three times more likely than black women to say fathers are doing a better job today than in the 1970s and 1980s (32% vs. 11% respectively).

Women’s Views of Mothers: 1997-2007

Women’s views about how well mothers are doing their job have changed little over the past 10 years. In a 1997 Pew Research Center survey of women, a majority (56%) said that mothers of children under age 18 were doing a worse job as parents than mothers did 20 or 30 years ago; in the current survey, 54% of women express this view.

As was the case 10 years ago, middle-aged women are more critical of today’s moms than are younger women. Fully 66% of women ages 50-64 say today’s mothers are doing a worse job. This compares with just 41% of women younger than 30, 56% of women ages 30-49, and 48% of women ages 65 and older.

Religious affiliation also influences views on motherhood. White evangelical Protestants are among the most critical of the job today’s mothers are doing. More than two-thirds of white evangelicals (68%) say moms are doing a worse job today when compared with mothers 20-30 years ago. This compares with 54% of white non-evangelical Protestants, 50% of white Catholics, and 47% of seculars.

Motherhood Still Difficult

Most women (71%) say it is more difficult to be a mother today than it was 20 or 30 years ago. But in Pew’s 1997 motherhood survey, an even greater percentage of women expressed this view (81%).

Just as older women are more likely to say today’s mothers are doing a worse job, they are also more likely to believe the job has become more difficult. Roughly eight-in-ten women ages 50-64 (81%) say it is harder to be a mother today than it was 20-30 years ago. This compares with 58% of women under age 30, 70% of women ages 30-49, and 73% of women ages 65 and older.

Drugs a Concern for Parents of Adult Children

The challenges facing parents today differ according to the ages of their children. Parents of adult children are more likely to point to societal factors, particularly drugs and alcohol, than are parents with kids under age 18. Fully 17% of parents whose kids are all over age 18 say drugs and alcohol are the biggest challenge in raising children today. This compares with only 4% of parents of younger children. Even among those with teenage children (ages 13-18), just 5% cite drugs or alcohol as the biggest challenge today.

The challenges of balancing work and family life and finding enough time to spend with children are bigger issues for parents with children ages 18 and younger than they are for parents whose kids are grown (14% vs. 6%, respectively).

Religious views and practices also influence opinions about parenting today, especially among parents with children under age 18. Among parents of children ages 18 and younger, 42% who attend religious services at least once a week cite societal factors as the biggest challenge in raising kids today. This compares with 29% of those who seldom or never attend church. In addition to general concerns about society, parents who attend services at least weekly are much more likely to mention television and other media as the biggest parenting challenges than do parents who seldom or never attend (10% vs. 3%).