The public’s knowledge of science and technology varies widely across a range of questions on current topics and basic scientific concepts, according to a new quiz by the Pew Research Center and Smithsonian magazine. Click here to take the quiz yourself before reviewing the answers.

About eight-in-ten Americans (83%) identify ultraviolet as the type of radiation that sunscreen protects against. Nearly as many (77%) know that the main concern about the overuse of antibiotics is that it can lead to antibiotic-resistant bacteria.

However, only about half (51%) of the public knows that “fracking” is a process that extracts natural gas, not coal, diamonds or silicon from the earth.

Similarly, knowledge of basic scientific concepts differs greatly across questions. While most Americans (78%) know that the basic function of red blood cells is to carry oxygen to all parts of the body, just 20% could identify nitrogen as the gas that makes up most of the atmosphere.

The quiz is part of a nationwide survey, conducted March 7-10 among 1,006 adults, which also probed opinions and perceptions about science and math in education. The survey was conducted with Smithsonian magazine for an edition focusing on STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) education (see “How Much Do Americans Know about Science?”).

The public underestimates how well American high school students perform on standardized science tests compared with students in other developed nations. A plurality (44%) believes that 15-year-olds in other developed nations outrank U.S. students in knowledge of science; according to an international student assessment, U.S. 15-year-olds are in the middle ranks of developed nations in science knowledge.

Nearly half of Americans (46%) say that the main reason that many young people do not pursue degrees in math and science is mostly because they think these subjects are too hard; just 22% say it is mostly because young people think math and science are not useful for their careers while 20% say it is because they think these subjects are too boring. Women (54%) are more likely than men (37%) to say that the main reason young people do not pursue math and science degrees is because they think these subjects are too difficult.

The survey asked an open-ended question about what one subject K-12 schools should emphasize more these days; 30% of respondents say math; 19% say English, grammar or writing, while 11% say science; and 10% say history, social studies or government. Overall, 45% mention some aspect of science, technology, engineering or mathematics.

About the Quiz: Chemical Reactions, Control Groups and CO2

The new survey includes a mix of 13 knowledge questions; some are the type that might be found in a science textbook while others come from news coverage of science and technology issues.

Among the textbook-type questions, the quiz asks which is a chemical reaction – water boiling, sugar dissolving or nails rusting. Two-thirds (66%) correctly say that nails rusting is an example of a chemical reaction; much smaller percentages incorrectly say that water boiling (12%) and sugar dissolving (also 12%) are examples of chemical reactions.

The survey also asks about basic scientific knowledge in a series of true-false questions. Most Americans (77%) correctly say it is true that the continents have been moving for millions of years and will continue to move in the future. But only about half (47%) say it is true that electrons are smaller than atoms. The percentages answering these and other true-false questions correctly are little changed from a June 2009 survey.

Other questions test knowledge of scientific methods and current scientific issues. Most Americans know that scientists use control groups to test the effectiveness of new drugs in treating disease. Three-quarters (75%) correctly say that scientists give a new drug to half of a group of volunteers, but not to the other half, and compare how many in each group get better. Just 19% say it would be more effective to give the drug to the entire group.

Demographic Differences in Knowledge about Science & Technology

Education is the strongest demographic predictor of knowledge about science and technology. People with at least some exposure to college do much better than those with no college experience on nearly all of the questions.

On several questions, there also are wide differences between college graduates and those who have attended college but not graduated. For instance, 76% of college graduates but just 55% of those with some college experience identify carbon dioxide as the gas that most scientists believe causes atmospheric temperatures to rise.

There are only modest partisan differences in knowledge about which gas is generally seen by scientists as causing atmospheric temperatures to rise; 63% of independents say it is carbon dioxide, as do 58% of Republicans and 56% of Democrats.

Notably, even most college graduates could not identify the gas that makes up most of the earth’s atmosphere. Just 31% correctly say it is nitrogen, while an identical percentage (31%) incorrectly says it is oxygen. Among those with a high school education or less, oxygen is the most frequent response.

In previous Pew Research Center surveys measuring knowledge of politics and public affairs, young people typically have not fared as well as older people. But that pattern does not hold for most questions about scientific topics. As a group, those younger than 30 do about as well as those in the 30-49 and 50-64 age groups.

Meanwhile, people 65 and older scored relatively low on many questions. Just 37% know that nanotechnology deals with small things; majorities in younger age groups know this. And just 27% correctly answered a question about how lasers work, compared with about half in older age groups.

However, half (50%) of those 65 and older identify natural gas as the resource extracted in fracking, compared with 61% of those 50-64, 52% of those 30-49 and just 35% of those under 30. This was the only question on which those 65 and older scored higher than those younger than 30.

Overall, men outperformed women on the quiz, though in many cases the differences are modest. On average, men answered 8.6 items correctly, compared with 7.7 items for women.

On the health-related questions on the quiz, however, women did as well as or better than men. Women are more likely than men to know that a major concern of the overuse of antibiotics is that it can lead to antibiotic-resistant bacteria (81% of women know this vs. 72% of men).

What Subject Should Receive More Emphasis in K-12 Schools?

Asked in an open-ended format what one subject being taught in K-12 schools should receive greater emphasis than it does now, 30% volunteer math and arithmetic. About one-in-five (19%) say English, grammar, writing and reading should receive more emphasis, while about one-in-ten cite science (11%) or history (10%).

Republicans (35%) are more likely than Democrats (24%) to say that math and arithmetic should be emphasized more by schools. More Republicans (13%) than Democrats (5%) also say that history, social studies and civics should get greater attention.

By contrast, while 17% of Democrats say that science should receive greater emphasis in K-12 schools, just 7% of Republicans agree. Comparable percentages of Republicans and Democrats say other subjects – including English and grammar, art and music, and religion and Christianity – deserve more emphasis than they are currently receiving.

Many Say U.S. Students Are Outranked in Science

A plurality of Americans (44%) say that average American 15-year-olds rank at the bottom on standardized tests of science knowledge, when compared with students in other developed nations. That is incorrect: According to the most recent available data from the Program for International Student Assessment, U.S. students rank among the middle of OECD nations.

The survey finds that 35% correctly know that U.S. 15-year-olds are about in the middle when it comes to science knowledge; 7% say incorrectly that American students rank among the top of developed nations.

College graduates are more likely than those with less education to underestimate the performance of U.S. teens on standardized science tests. More than half of college graduates (56%) say that American students rank near the bottom among developed countries. That compares with 46% of those with some college experience who do not have a degree and 36% of those with no more than a high school education.

There are no significant partisan differences in evaluations of student performance on standardized science tests: 46% of Republicans and about as many Democrats (45%) and independents (45%) say they rank near the bottom among developed nations.

When asked why many young people do not pursue degrees in math and science, a 46% plurality says it is mostly because they view these subjects as too difficult. Fewer say young people are turned off because they see math and science as not useful for their careers (22%) or because they are too boring (20%).

Young people have about the same opinions as older people for why many do not pursue math and science degrees: 47% say it is because those subjects are seen as too difficult. More women (54%) than men (37%) say many young people do not go after degrees in math and science mainly because they perceive those subjects as being too difficult.

In the latest survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Feb. 8-12 among 1,501 adults, 60% said that colleges have a positive effect on the way things are going in the country; just 26% said they have a negative effect. Of a list of 12 institutions and industries, only small businesses (75% positive effect) and technology companies (70%) were viewed more positively.

However, just 46% of conservative Republicans said colleges and universities have a positive impact, while nearly as many (39%) said they have a negative effect. By wide margins, Democrats (67% to 20%) and independents (61% to 26%) said colleges and universities have a positive impact.

There were substantial differences among Republicans and Republican-leaning independents in opinions about the effects of colleges and universities: Just 38% of those who agree with the Tea Party viewed their impact positively; that compared with 62% of Republicans and leaners who do not agree with the Tea Party.

Nonetheless, conservative Republicans who have graduated from college are as likely as those in other political groups to have a positive view of the personal impact of a college education. In a survey conducted in March 2011 by Pew Social & Demographic Trends, 85% of conservative Republicans said that college had been a good investment for them personally. That was little different from the percentages of independent (85%) and Democratic (81%) college graduates who viewed college as a good investment.

That survey found relatively modest partisan and ideological differences in opinions about whether a college education is important for young people to succeed, the affordability of college, and whether the higher education system provides a good value for students and their families.  (For more from this survey, see “Is College Worth It?”May 15, 2011.)

Moreover, virtually all parents across the political and ideological spectrum said they expected their own children to go to college: 99% of Republicans said this, as did 96% of Democrats and 93% of independents.

But conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats differed about the main purpose of college: 52% of conservative Republicans said the main purpose of college should be to teach specific skills and knowledge that can be used in the workplace, while 36% said its purpose should be to help an individual grow personally and intellectually.

Liberal Democrats were more likely than conservative Republicans to say college should mainly help people grow personally and intellectually (47%). About four-in-ten liberals (37%) said college’s main purpose should be workplace training. On this issue, the views of conservative and moderate Democrats were closer to those of conservative Republicans than to liberal Democrats (54% training vs. 33% personal growth).

Partisan Differences in Views of Institutions

The survey released last month found substantial partisan differences in views of the effects of several institutions, aside from colleges and universities.

Just 19% of Republicans said labor unions have a positive effect on the way things are going in the country; more than twice as many Democrats (47%) and independents (42%) viewed unions’ impact positively.

The differences were about as large in positive opinions about the impact of the entertainment industry and the federal government (25 points each).

Among the 12 institutions and industries included in the survey, there was only one – churches and religious organizations – that Republicans rated more positively than did Democrats. About two-thirds of Republicans (68%) said churches have a positive effect on the way things are going in the country, compared with 55% of Democrats. Republicans expressed more positive views about the impact of churches than colleges (68% vs. 51%), while Democrats were more positive about the effects of colleges (67% vs. 55%).

Among Republicans and Republican leaners who agree with the Tea Party, fully 78% said churches have a positive effect on the way things are going in the country, about double the percentage saying that colleges and universities have a positive impact (38%). Among liberal Democrats and Democratic leaners, the gap was about as wide in the other direction: 74% said colleges have a positive impact compared with 38% who viewed the effect of churches and religious institutions positively.

With the economy still struggling and the nation involved in multiple military operations overseas, the public’s political mood is fractious. In this environment, many political attitudes have become more doctrinaire at both ends of the ideological spectrum, a polarization that reflects the current atmosphere in Washington.

Yet at the same time, a growing number of Americans are choosing not to identify with either political party, and the center of the political spectrum is increasingly diverse. Rather than being moderate, many of these independents hold extremely strong ideological positions on issues such as the role of government, immigration, the environment and social issues. But they combine these views in ways that defy liberal or conservative orthodoxy.

For political leaders in both parties, the challenge is not only one of appeasing ideological and moderate “wings” within their coalitions, but rather holding together remarkably disparate groups, many of whom have strong disagreements with core principles that have defined each party’s political character in recent years.

The most visible shift in the political landscape since Pew Research’s previous political typology in early 2005 is the emergence of a single bloc of across-the-board conservatives. The long-standing divide between economic, pro-business conservatives and social conservatives has blurred. Today, Staunch Conservatives take extremely conservative positions on nearly all issues – on the size and role of government, on economics, foreign policy, social issues and moral concerns. Most agree with the Tea Party and even more very strongly disapprove of Barack Obama’s job performance. A second core group of Republicans – Main Street Republicans – also is conservative, but less consistently so.

On the left, Solid Liberals express diametrically opposing views from the Staunch Conservatives on virtually every issue. While Solid Liberals are predominantly white, minorities make up greater shares of New Coalition Democrats – who include nearly equal numbers 0f whites, African Americans and Hispanics – and Hard-Pressed Democrats, who are about a third African American. Unlike Solid Liberals, both of these last two groups are highly religious and socially conservative. New Coalition Democrats are distinguished by their upbeat attitudes in the face of economic struggles.

Independents have played a determinative role in the last three national elections. But the three groups in the center of the political typology have very little in common, aside from their avoidance of partisan labels. Libertarians and Post-Moderns are largely white, well-educated and affluent. They also share a relatively secular outlook on some social issues, including homosexuality and abortion. But Republican-oriented Libertarians are far more critical of government, less supportive of environmental regulations, and more supportive of business than are Post-Moderns, most of whom lean Democratic.

Disaffecteds, the other main group of independents, are financially stressed and cynical about politics. Most lean to the Republican Party, though they differ from the core Republican groups in their support for increased government aid to the poor. Another group in the center, Bystanders, largely consign themselves to the political sidelines and for the most part are not included in this analysis.

These are the principal findings of the political typology study by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, which sorts Americans into cohesive groups based on values, political beliefs, and party affiliation. The new study is based on two surveys with a combined sample of 3,029 adults, conducted Feb. 22-Mar. 14, 2011 and a smaller callback survey conducted April 7-10, 2011 with 1,432 of the same respondents.

This is the fifth typology created by the Pew Research Center since 1987. Many of the groups identified in the current analysis are similar to those in past typologies, reflecting the continuing importance of a number of key beliefs and values. But there are a number of critical differences as well.

The new groupings underscore the substantial political changes that have occurred since the spring of 2005, when the previous typology was released. Today, there are two core Republican groups, compared with three in 2005, to some extent reflecting a decline in GOP party affiliation. However, Democrats have not made gains in party identification. Rather, there has been a sharp rise in the percentage of independents – from 30% in 2005 to 37% currently. Today, there are three disparate groups of independents, compared with two in 2005.

While Republicans trail the Democrats in party affiliation, they enjoy advantages in other areas: The two core GOP groups are more homogenous – demographically and ideologically – than are the three core Democratic groups. And socioeconomic differences are more apparent on the left: Nearly half of Solid Liberals (49%) are college graduates, compared with 27% of New Coalition Democrats and just 13% of Hard-Pressed Democrats.

The GOP still enjoys an intensity advantage, which proved to be a crucial factor in the Republicans’ victories in the 2010 midterm elections. For example, the GOP’s core groups – Staunch Conservatives and Main Street Republicans – express strongly negative opinions about last year’s health care legislation, while reactions among the Democratic groups are more mixed. Even Solid Liberals offer only tepid support for the bill – 43% say it will have a mostly positive impact on the nation’s health care, while somewhat more (51%) say it will have a mixed effect.

However, maintaining solid support among the GOP-oriented groups in the center of the typology represents a formidable challenge for Republicans. The cross-pressured Disaffecteds highlight this challenge. They were an important part of the GOP coalition in 2010, but were lackluster supporters of John McCain two years earlier.

Like the core GOP groups, most Disaffecteds (73%) view government as nearly always wasteful and inefficient. At the same time, a solid majority of Disaffecteds (61%) say the government should do more to help needy Americans even if that means going deeper into debt.

Libertarians, the other Republican-leaning group, overwhelmingly oppose expanding aid for the poor if it means increasing the nation’s debt. Yet on immigration and homosexuality, Libertarians’ views differ markedly from those of the core Republican groups. Fully 71% of Libertarians say homosexuality should be accepted by society; nearly as many Staunch Conservatives (68%) say it should be discouraged.

Many of the political values and attitudes of Post-Moderns, young, Democratically-oriented independents, fit awkwardly with those of core Democratic groups. Post-Moderns overwhelmingly voted for Obama in 2008, but their turnout fell off dramatically last fall, which contributed to the Democrats’ poor showing in the midterms. Compared with the core Democratic groups, Post-Moderns are less supportive of increased aid for the needy and are far less likely to view racial discrimination as the main obstacle to African American progress.

Partisan Dividing Line: Views of Government

The new typology finds a deep and continuing divide between the two parties, as well as differences within both partisan coalitions. But the nature of the partisan divide has changed substantially over time.

More than in the recent past, attitudes about government separate Democrats from Republicans, and it is these beliefs that are most correlated with political preferences looking ahead to 2012. In 2005, at the height of the Iraq war and shortly after an election in which national security was a dominant issue, opinions about assertiveness in foreign affairs almost completely distinguished Democrats from Republicans. Partisan divisions over national security remain, but in an era when the public’s focus is more inward-looking, they are less pronounced.

As in recent years, beliefs about the environment, business, immigration and the challenges faced by African Americans are important fissures between the parties, though to some extent within them as well.

In general, there is far more agreement across the two core GOP groups than the three core Democratic groups. Staunch Conservatives and Main Street Republicans express highly critical opinions about government performance and are both deeply skeptical of increased government aid to the poor if it means adding to the debt.

Yet Staunch Conservatives have much more positive opinions about business than do Main Street Republicans. Attitudes about the environment also divide the two core GOP groups: 92% of Staunch Conservatives say that stricter environmental laws cost too many jobs and hurt the economy; just 22% of Main Street Republicans agree.

The differences among core Democratic groups show up across a wider range of fundamental political values. Social and moral issues divide Solid Liberals, who are more secular, from other Democratic groups who are much more religious.

Opinions about business, immigration and the economic impact of environmental laws and regulations also divide the Democratic groups. For instance, more than half of Hard-Pressed Democrats (54%) say that stricter environmental laws and regulations cost too many jobs and hurt the economy; just 22% of New Coalition Democrats and 7% of Solid Liberals share this view.

Race and ethnicity are factors in some of the opinion differences among Democrats. New Coalition Democrats, who are roughly a quarter Hispanic, have positive views of immigrants. Fully 70% say immigrants strengthen the country because of their hard work and talents.

Hard-Pressed Democrats – who are mostly white and African American – take a dim view of immigrants’ contributions. Just 13% say immigrants strengthen the country, while 76% say they are a burden because they take jobs and health care.

Age also is a factor in partisanship and political values. Younger people are more numerous on the left, and older people on the right. However, many young people think of themselves as independents rather than as Democrats. Post-Moderns, Democratic-oriented independents, are by far the youngest group in the typology, but they often deviate from traditional Democratic orthodoxy and are not consistent voters.

Older people, who have increasingly voted Republican in recent years, are found disproportionately in the Staunch Conservative bloc – 61% are 50 or older. And this group is highly politically engaged; 75% say they follow government and public affairs most of the time.

Staunch Conservatives also include by far the largest share of Tea Party supporters – 72% of Staunch Conservatives agree with the movement. The Tea Party’s appeal is deeper than it is wide. There is no other typology group in which a majority agrees with the Tea Party. Aside from Staunch Conservatives, Libertarians are most supportive (44% agree).

The survey suggests that while the Tea Party is a galvanizing force on the right, strong disapproval of Barack Obama is an even more powerful unifying factor among fervent conservatives. No fewer than 84% of Staunch Conservatives strongly disapprove of Obama’s job performance and 70% rate him very unfavorably personally. Ardent support for Obama on the left is no match for this – 64% of Solid Liberals strongly approve of him, and 45% rate him very favorably.

More than two years into office, Obama’s personal image is positive though his job approval ratings are mixed. Yet doubts about Obama’s background and biography persist. More than one-in-five Americans (23%) say, incorrectly, that Obama was born outside the United States; another 22% are not sure where Obama was born. Nearly half of Staunch Conservatives (47%) and 35% of Main Street Republicans say that Obama was born in another country. Only among Solid Liberals is there near total agreement that Obama was, in fact, born in the United States (95%). (NOTE: The survey was conducted before President Obama released his long-form birth certificate on April 27.)

Other Major Findings

• Majorities in most typology groups say the country will need both to cut spending and raise taxes to reduce the budget deficit. Staunch Conservatives are the exception – 59% say the focus should only be on cutting spending.
• Core GOP groups largely prefer elected officials who stick to their positions rather than those who compromise. Solid Liberals overwhelmingly prefer officials who compromise, but the other two Democratic groups do not.
• For Staunch Conservatives it is still “Drill, Baby, Drill” – 72% say that expanding exploration for and production of oil, coal and natural gas is the more important energy priority. In most other typology groups, majorities say developing alternatives is more important.
• Republican groups say the Supreme Court should base rulings on its interpretation of the Constitution “as originally written.” Democratic groups say the Court should base its rulings on what the Constitution means today.
• Main Street Republicans and GOP-oriented Disaffecteds are far more likely than Staunch Conservatives or Libertarians to favor a significant government role in reducing childhood obesity.
• Solid Liberals are the only typology group in which a majority (54%) views democracy as more important than stability in the Middle East. Other groups say stable governments are more important or are divided on this question.
• New Coalition Democrats are more likely than the other core Democratic groups to say that most people can make it if they are willing to work hard.
• More Staunch Conservatives regularly watch Fox News than regularly watch CNN, MSNBC and the nightly network news broadcasts combined.
• There are few points on which all the typology groups can agree, but cynicism about politicians is one. Majorities across all eight groups, as well as Bystanders, say elected officials lose touch with the people pretty quickly.
• Staunch Conservatives overwhelmingly want to get tougher with China on economic issues. Across other typology groups, there is far more support for building stronger economic relations with China.
• The allied airstrikes in Libya divide Democratic groups. Solid Liberals and New Coalition Democrats favor the airstrikes, but about as many Hard-Pressed Democrats favor as oppose the operation.
• Michelle Obama is popular with Main Street Republicans, as well as most other typology groups. But Staunch Conservatives view the first lady unfavorably – and 43% view her very unfavorably.

Making the Typology

The 2011 typology divides the public into eight politically engaged groups, along with a ninth group of less engaged Bystanders. It is the fifth of its kind, following on previous studies in 1987, 1994, 1999 and 2005.

Using a statistical procedure called cluster analysis, individuals are assigned to one of the eight core typology groups based on their position on nine scales of social and political values – each of which is determined by responses to two or three survey questions – as well as their party identification. Several different cluster solutions were evaluated for their effectiveness in producing cohesive groups that are distinct from one another, substantively meaningful and large enough in size to be analytically practical. The final solution selected to produce the political typology was judged to be strongest from a statistical point of view and to be most persuasive from a substantive point of view. As in past typologies, a measure of political attentiveness and voting participation was used to extract the “Bystander” group, people who are largely not engaged or involved in politics, before performing the cluster analysis.

For a more complete description of the methodology used to create the typology, see About the Political Typology. For more information about the survey methodology seen About the Surveys.

With the public giving subpar approval ratings to President Obama and continuing to express negative views of Congress and the political parties, it goes its own way on many of the remaining issues before the lame-duck Congress.

In a survey conducted before Obama and GOP leaders agreed to temporarily extend all Bush-era tax cuts, most Americans (80%) favor preserving at least some of the tax cuts. However, just a third (33%) of Americans say they favor keeping all of the expiring tax cuts; 47% favor keeping just the tax cuts for income below $250,000, while just 11% want to end all of the tax cuts.

Only about one-in-five Democrats (18%) favor keeping all of the tax cuts, compared with 33% of independents and 53% of Republicans.

On another major pending issue before Congress, most Americans who have heard at least a little about the START treaty favor its ratification by the Senate: 54% favor ratification of the arms control treaty while 24% are opposed. Democrats and independents favor the treaty’s ratification by wide margins, while Republicans are evenly split.

And by greater than two-to-one (59% to 23%), the public favors allowing gays and lesbians to serve openly in the military. These views are little changed from last month, before the Pentagon released its major study on the impact of repealing the “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy. Those who are aware of the Pentagon’s report have about the same opinions as those who heard little about it. (See “Most Continue to Favor Gays Serving Openly in the Military,” Nov. 29.).

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Dec. 1-5 among 1,500 adults, finds that 45% approve of Obama’s job performance while about as many (43%) disapprove. Obama’s job ratings have changed little since September.

Obama’s job approval ratings among Democrats remain strong (77% approve), and there is little evidence that Democrats think he is going along too much with GOP leaders in Congress. Only about quarter of Democrats (23%) say he is going along too much, while about twice as many (48%) say he is going along the right amount.

However, Obama gets mixed ratings from Democrats and Democratic leaners for how well he stands up for his party’s traditional positions on such issues as protecting the interests of minorities, helping the poor and needy and representing working people. Only about half of Democrats and Democratic leaners (54%) say Obama is doing an excellent or good job of advocating the party’s traditional positions, while 43% say he is doing only fair or poor. White Democrats and Democratic leaners are divided over Obama’s performance in standing up for the party’s traditional positions in these areas (51% excellent/good vs. 47% only fair/poor). By contrast, black Democrats and leaners offer much more positive assessments (70% vs. 29%).

Overall, Democrats and Democratic leaners give Obama only slightly better marks than the party itself for advocating traditional positions. In November, 48% said the party was doing an excellent or good job while 50% said it was doing only fair or poor.

The survey finds that opinions about Congress and the political parties have changed little since before the midterm elections. Just 31% say they have a favorable opinion of Congress, which is little changed from July (33%). Similarly, while 45% say they have a favorable impression of the Democratic Party, about the same percentage (41%) has a favorable opinion of the GOP.

Nancy Pelosi, the outgoing speaker of the House, remains broadly unpopular. More than half (55%) say they have an unfavorable opinion of Pelosi while only 29% say they have a favorable opinion.

The balance of opinion is more positive toward John Boehner, who is expected to succeed Pelosi as House speaker next month. About as many say they have a favorable opinion of Boehner (28%) as an unfavorable view (25%). Boehner’s favorability ratings have increased in recent months, along with his visibility. In June, nearly twice as many expressed negative as positive views of Boehner (22% vs. 12%). Notably, Boehner’s current favorability ratings are about the same as Pelosi’s in December 2006, shortly before she became speaker (32% favorable/27% unfavorable).

On foreign policy, the public has become less optimistic that the U.S. will succeed in achieving its goals in Afghanistan. Only about half (49%) say the U.S. will definitely or probably succeed while 39% say it will definitely or probably fail. In June, 59% said success in Afghanistan was at least probable.

Support for maintaining U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan also has slipped since June. Currently, 44% favor keeping troops in Afghanistan until the situation has stabilized while 47% want to remove troops as soon as possible. In July, opinion also was divided, but in June 53% favored keeping U.S. and NATO troops in Afghanistan while 40% wanted them removed as soon as possible.

The recent tensions on the Korean peninsula have drawn a tempered reaction from the public. Half (50%) of those who have heard about the recent North Korean artillery attack on a South Korean island say it is similar to other incidents that have happened from time to time in the past; fewer (41%) say the attack represents a major increase in hostilities.

As Congress prepares to debate reauthorization of the No Child Left Behind Act, Americans express mixed views about the nation’s signature education law. Among those who have heard about the law, 34% say the law has made schools better; 26% say it has made schools worse; and 32% say it has had no impact.

Parents of public school children have relatively positive views of No Child Left Behind, which uses annual testing to measure school progress and requires schools to raise reading and math test scores. More than four-in-ten public school parents (42%) who have heard a lot or a little about the law say it has made schools in the country better (compared with 34% of the public). However, just 30% of public school parents say that No Child Left Behind has made their children’s schools better.

Overall, 45% of the public, and about the same percentage of parents with children in public schools (43%) — say the law overemphasizes standardized testing, based on those who have heard a lot or a little about No Child Left Behind. About three-in-ten in both groups say the emphasis on testing is appropriate, while smaller numbers believe there has been too little emphasis on standarized tests.

The nationwide survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted in April, finds that Americans also are divided in their views of whether the law gives the federal government too much influence over education policy. Nearly four-in-ten (37%) of those who have heard about the law say the federal government has too much influence over education policy, 31% say too little, and 22% believe that the law gives the federal government the right amount of influence over education policy.

What’s Right — and Wrong — With ‘No Child’

People who say No Child Left Behind has made schools better often cite the premise of the law — that no child will be left behind, or that struggling students will be brought up to the level of their peers — as the reasons they support it. Overall, 20% of those who say the law has changed schools for the better cite the law’s stated objective or say that under the law students get more individual attention.

Other supporters point to improvements in school performance, including test scores, as the reason they think the act has helped schools (12%). An additional 11% say the law makes schools more accountable. And 10% say it has improved teachers’ performance by giving them guidelines for performance or by establishing new requirements for teachers.

There is greater agreement about the negative effects of No Child Left Behind. Three-in-ten of those who believe the law has made things worse cite testing — specifically the excessive focus on testing, or the fact that teachers must “teach the test.” Nearly one-in-five (18%) of those who say the law has made things worse say that standards are being lowered. Another 10% say that the law does not work for all students, including special education students, and 9% say the law provides insufficient funding or, alternatively, costs too much.

Partisan Views of Education Policy

In general, Republicans express more favorable views of the No Child Left Behind Act than do Democrats or independents. About half of Republicans (48%) say that the law has made public schools better. This compares with about a third of independents (32%) and slightly fewer Democrats (28%). Twice as many Democrats as Republicans say No Child Left Behind has made schools worse.

Democrats and independents are more likely than Republicans to say that the education law overemphasizes testing. Nearly half of Democrats (49%) and independents (47%) say under the law there is too much emphasis on standardized testing, compared with 38% of Republicans.

There are virtually no differences among partisans when it comes to opinions about the federal government’s role in education policy under No Child Left Behind. Four-in-ten independents, and slightly fewer Democrats (36%) and Republicans (35%), say there is too much federal influence over the schools under No Child Left Behind.

Blacks Favor Greater Federal Role

Overall, blacks assess the impact of No Child Left Behind in about the same way as whites. Nearly four-in-ten African Americans (37%) say it has made schools better; 22% say it has made schools worse; and 32% say it has had no impact. Among whites, 33% say better, 27% worse, and 32% no impact.

But there are substantial racial differences in views about the education law’s emphasis on standardized testing, and whether it gives the federal government too much influence over schools. Nearly a third of blacks (31%) say the law places too little emphasis on testing; among whites, just 16% express this view. In addition, a plurality of blacks (45%) say the federal government has too little influence over public schools under No Child Left Behind. The plurality view among whites (40%) is that the education law gives the federal government too much influence over the schools.

College Grads Skeptical of Testing

Americans who have different levels of education also have notably different views about No Child Left Behind. Many more college graduates than those with less education say the law places too much emphasis on standardized testing: 64% of college graduates express this view, compared with 44% of those who have some college, and 32% of those with a high school education or less. In addition, nearly half of college grads (48%) say there is too much federal influence over schools under No Child Left Behind, compared with 37% of those with some college, and 30% of those with a high school degree or less.

A year after the massacre at Colorado’s Columbine High School, the vast majority of the public believes it is the responsibility of parents to ensure that such tragedies are not repeated. In fact, a plurality identifies poor parenting — not peer pressure or violence in the media — as the primary cause for school shootings, like the one at Columbine. Americans continue to support gun control, with nearly two-thirds saying such restrictions are more important than the rights of gun owners. But tougher gun laws are not regarded as a panacea, and just 6% believe such laws would prevent a recurrence of incidents like the one at Columbine.

The shootings at that suburban Denver high school continue to shape the way parents and non-parents alike view the issue of school violence. About seven-in-ten (71%) parents say the violence at Columbine has had at least some impact on their feelings about the safety of their children at school. And whether or not they have children, Americans overwhelmingly agree that parents are best able to prevent future Columbines. More than eight-in-ten (85%) place this responsibility on the shoulders of parents, against just 9% who say it rests with the schools.

Overall, parents express concern about their children’s safety at school. Only 40% believe their children are very safe at school, and more than one-third (37%) say schools that their children attend have upgraded security in the past year. Fully 17% of parents report there have been serious threats of violence at those schools.

The latest Pew Research Center survey of 1,000 adults, including 283 parents, found that attitudes on gun control have generally remained unchanged in the year since the Columbine violence. By a solid 66%-to-29% majority, the public says controlling gun ownership is more important than protecting the right of Americans to own guns. This is similar to the 65% majority found in May 1999, in the immediate aftermath of Columbine. There also has been only slight movement on the question of whether to ban handguns. Currently, Americans are evenly split — 47% favor such a ban and 47% are opposed. In May 1999, 44% supported the ban and 50% were opposed.

It is clear that for many Americans gun control is but one remedy — and perhaps not even the most effective remedy — for preventing violence. While 41% believe that stricter gun laws would reduce violent crime by a great deal, 63% say that more jobs and community programs for young people would accomplish that objective. And a majority of the public (59%) says it is more important to enforce existing gun laws than to enact new statutes aimed at restricting weapons sales and improving gun safety.

The public’s ambivalence on gun-related questions is reflected in divisions over which party is better suited to handle this issue. Overall, Democrats hold a slight 36%-30% lead as doing a better job on gun control, but more than one-third of the public (34%) has no preference. The Democrats’ advantage on this issue has not changed significantly since last June, when they held a 42%-34% lead.

More Scrutiny of Troubled Youth

Asked about specific remedies for school violence, many Americans say more attention should be paid to children with anti-social attitudes. Fully six-in-ten believe that giving such children closer scrutiny would be more of an effective way to prevent shooting incidents than increasing school security (11%), passing stricter gun control laws (6%) or reducing violence in popular entertainment (13%).

Support for greater vigilance of this sort has grown in the past year; in April 1999, shortly after the Columbine incident, 49% endorsed paying more attention to kids’ anti-social attitudes and behaviors, 21% cited increasing school security, and 11% cited passing stricter gun control laws.

Attitudes have also changed in the last year on why such violent incidents occur. More than four in ten (42%) lay the blame on parents, compared to 36% in April 1999. One-quarter of the public (26%) cites violence in the media that children are exposed to, a decrease of eight percentage points from April 1999.

Overall, parents are split on what they think is the main reason why kids commit such violent acts — 35% think it is poor upbringing by parents, and 33% say it is the violence in the media that children are exposed to. Mothers and fathers also differ on this issue. Almost half of the fathers surveyed (46%) cite poor upbringing, compared to only one quarter (25%) of mothers. More than four-in-ten of the mothers (41%), on the other hand, point the finger at violence in the media. Relatively few parents attribute acts of violence to peer pressure (15%) or genetic or biological tendencies toward violence (3%).

The effects of Columbine are still being felt by parents and children in a number of ways. Only 40% of parents think their child is very safe at school, while five out of ten parents think their child is somewhat safe. One-third (34%) of parents say their child seems concerned about personal safety at school. More parents of schoolchildren age 12 to 17 (45%) report their child being concerned than do parents of schoolchildren age five to 11 (26%). Similarly, more parents of older children (25%) also report that they’ve heard of serious threats of violence involving children at their child’s school, compared to only 10% of parents with younger children.

Almost four-in-ten parents (37%) report that their child’s school has taken measures to ensure safety in the past year, like installing metal detectors, closed circuit TV cameras or hiring police or security guards. More parents of children age 12 to 17 say this occurs than parents of children age five to 11 (44%-30%).

The school shootings remain an important topic of conversation between parents and children. More than three-quarters (77%) of all parents and 85% of parents of children age 12-17 say they have had at least some discussion about school shootings with their children. In contrast, 41% of all parents have talked to their children about the case of Elian Gonzalez, the 6-year-old Cuban boy at the center of an international custody battle, and 33% have discussed the 2000 presidential election campaign.

Gender Gap Remains

While support for gun control is strong across all major demographic groups, a gender gap persists on this issue. Women favor controlling gun ownership over protecting the rights of gun owners by an overwhelming 73%-to-22% margin. On balance, men share this view, though by a narrower margin — 59%-36%. The partisan divide is even more pronounced. A 77% majority of Democrats back gun control, compared to a bare majority (55%) of Republicans.

Voters are less inclined this year than last to punish members of Congress who oppose gun control. In July 1999, fully 55% said a member of Congress who voted against gun control should not be reelected, while 35% said such a member would deserve reelection. Today the voting public is much more evenly divided: 41% say members who oppose gun control should not be returned to office vs. 44% who say they should be reelected. The shift in opinion has been particularly sharp among women and Democrats.

The fact remains, however, that a vote in favor of gun control is a political plus for many members of Congress. Fully 60% of voters say that a lawmaker who backed gun control should be reelected, down slightly from the 69% who held this view last year. Only 25% say a member who has supported gun control shouldn’t be returned to office.

Heading into the 2000 elections, it is unclear at this point which political party — or presidential candidate — has the upper hand on the question of gun control. The Democrats maintain a slight edge, along with Al Gore. In a Pew survey released last month, 41% said the vice president could do a better job representing their views on gun control, 37% chose George W. Bush.

Opinion about the role of the National Rifle Association is largely unchanged in recent years. A plurality of Americans (42%) say the NRA has too much influence over gun control laws in this country, 17% say the organization has too little influence, and 28% say its influence is about right. Similarly, in December 1993, 45% said the NRA was too influential, 15% said it had too little influence and 27% thought it had about the right amount of influence over gun laws.

In a similar vein, the percentage of Americans who believe that more gun restrictions will help reduce violent crime in this country has not increased significantly in recent years. And the public places more faith in several other potential solutions. Roughly four-in-ten Americans (41%) say stricter gun control laws would reduce violent crime “a lot,” similar to the 39% who held this view in March 1994. More jobs and community programs for young people is a much more popular approach. Longer jail terms for violent criminals, as well as restrictions on the amount of violence shown on TV are endorsed by about half of the public (49% and 48%, respectively). Nearly as many (46%) say more police on the streets would help reduce violent crime.

Gonzalez Case Top Story

The long-running saga of Elian Gonzalez was once again the month’s top news story. Interest in this story has slipped slightly from January (39% following very closely) and February (37%), when it also led the monthly news indexes.

The stock market’s recent convulsions were closely followed by about one-in-five (19%) Americans. Surprisingly, interest in this story did not increase following the sharp declines April 14 in both the Dow Jones industrial average and the NASDAQ composite index. Those who were interviewed before the market plunge tuned in at about the same rate as those who were surveyed from April 14-16.

With the presidential primary season over, fewer Americans paid close attention to coverage of the campaign. Overall, about 18% say they followed election news very closely, down from 26% in both March and February. More Republicans (25%) showed strong interest than either Democrats (18%) or independents (13%).

The recent court ruling against the software company Microsoft failed to garner much attention. Just 13% say they paid very close attention to the judge’s decision in the high-profile case, about the same who followed progress of the antitrust trial in December 1999 (11%) and November 1998 (12%).