Americans overwhelmingly say the nation’s immigration policy is in need of sweeping changes. Overall, 75% say immigration policy needs at least major changes, with 35% saying it needs to be “completely rebuilt”—among the highest of seven policy areas tested.

Yet the broad public agreement that immigration policy should be revamped is not matched by consensus on how to deal with illegal and legal immigration.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted May 1-5 among 1,504 adults, finds that 73% say there should be a way for illegal immigrants already in the United States who meet certain requirements to stay here. But fewer than half (44%) favor allowing those here illegally to apply for U.S. citizenship, while 25% think permanent legal status is more appropriate.

These views are virtually unchanged from March, suggesting that last month’s bombings at the Boston Marathon have had little effect on overall public opinion on this issue. In a survey released last week, 58% said that the Boston attack and the immigration debate are mostly separate issues, while 36% said the attack should be an important part of the debate on the immigration bill.

When it comes to legal immigration, relatively few (31%) see current levels as satisfactory, but there is no consensus as to whether the level of legal immigration should be decreased (36%) or increased (25%)

Meanwhile, securing U.S. borders looms over the debate: 53% of Americans say there is a lot more that the government can be doing to reduce illegal immigration at U.S. borders. Just 13% believe there is little or nothing more the government can do to tighten border security.

Majorities across all demographic and political groups think there is more the government can do to secure the borders, but there are ideological differences over how much: 68% of conservative Republicans say the government can do a lot more on border security, compared with just 37% of liberal Democrats.

While most Americans see immigration policy in need of major changes, last week’s survey found that the public has yet to fully engage with the congressional debate over immigration legislation. About one-in-five (19%) are following the immigration debate very closely. Only about half (46%) know that the immigration bill before Congress would allow people currently in the United States illegally to stay here while applying for citizenship; even fewer (37%) know the bill was introduced by a bipartisan group of senators. And nearly four-in-ten (38%) have no opinion about the immigration legislation before Congress, while 33% favor it and 28% are opposed.

Policies in Several Areas Seen as in Need of Major Changes

Three-quarters of Americans (75%) say that immigration policy either needs to be completely rebuilt or needs major changes. Just 21% say immigration policy works pretty well and needs only minor changes.

Nearly as many (72%) say the nation’s tax system is in need of a complete overhaul or major changes. Majorities also say that the education system (66%), the health care system (64%), the Medicare system (58%) and the Social Security system (54%) should be completely rebuilt or undergo major changes. Fewer (44%) say the Homeland Security system needs a major overhaul.

While there are partisan differences in views of specific policies toward immigration, taxes and other issues, Republicans and Democrats are more in sync when it comes to the need for changes to major polices and national systems. Nearly eight-in-ten Republicans (79%) say that immigration policy should be completely rebuilt or undergo major changes; 76% of independents and 72% of Democrats agree.

Large Majority Say Those in U.S. Illegally Should Be Allowed to Stay

Overall patterns in opinions about how to deal with those in the United States illegally have changed little since late March. (For a full demographic breakdown, see “Most Say Illegal Immigrants Should be Allowed to Stay, But Citizenship Is More Divisive,” March 28, 2013.)

There are partisan and ideological differences in these opinions: While 63% of conservative Republicans favor providing legal status for those in the United States illegally if they meet certain requirements, just 37% say they should be allowed to apply for citizenship. Nearly a quarter of conservative Republicans (23%) say people in the U.S. illegally should be allowed to apply for permanent residency, but not citizenship.

More than eight-in-ten liberal Democrats (85%) favor letting those in the U.S. illegally stay legally. By nearly three-to-one (62% to 22%), liberal Democrats say that those here illegally should be allowed to seek citizenship rather than permanent residency.

Most Don’t Think Legal Status Would “Reward” Those Here Illegally

A majority of Americans (56%) do not feel that giving people in the United States illegally a way to gain legal status would be like rewarding them for doing something wrong. About four-in-ten (37%) say giving them a way to obtain legal status would be tacitly rewarding wrongdoing.

Most Democrats (64%) and independents (58%) say that giving those in the U.S. illegally a way to gain legal status would not amount to a reward for bad behavior. Republicans are divided: 49% say it would be like rewarding them for wrongdoing, while 44% disagree.

As might be expected, those who favor finding a way for those in the U.S. illegally to stay in the country legally do not view a path to legal status as a reward for wrongdoing (by 67% to 27%). By nearly an identical margin (69% to 26%), those who oppose legal status for those here illegally do see it as a tacit reward for wrongdoing.

Half Think the Government Can Do a Lot More to Secure Borders

About half of Americans (53%) say the government can do a lot more to reduce illegal immigration at U.S. borders, while 30% say there is somewhat more the government can do. Just 13% say there is little or nothing more the government can do to reduce illegal immigration at the borders.

Majorities or pluralities across most groups say the government could doing a lot more to tighten border security. Republicans (64%) are more likely to express this view than are independents (53%) or Democrats (45%).

In February, 47% said the priority for dealing with illegal immigration should be to improve border security and strengthen law enforcement, as well as to create a path to citizenship. Fewer said the priority should be just border security and stricter law enforcement or just a path to citizenship (25% each).

Views of Legal Immigration

When asked about the optimal level of legal immigration to the United States, 36% say it should be decreased, 31% say it should be kept at its current level, and 25% say it should be increased.

These views are modestly changed from March 2006, before the last major congressional debate on immigration. At that time, 40% said legal immigration should be decreased, 37% said it should be kept at its current level and 17% favored increasing legal immigration.

Hispanics are divided in views of legal immigration: Approximately equal percentages say it should be decreased (32%), kept at its present level (29%) and increased (28%). A plurality of whites (39%) favor decreasing the level of legal immigration, while just 22% say it should be increased and 32% say it should be kept at its current level.

Democrats are split over the appropriate level of legal immigration. Meanwhile, more Republicans favor cutting back on legal immigration than increasing it (41% to 20%), while 33% favor maintaining the status quo.

As Congress debates a bill to overhaul the nation’s immigration policy, much of the public has yet to form an opinion about the legislation. About as many say they favor (33%) as oppose (28%) the immigration bill before Congress, but fully 38% say they don’t know what they think of the legislation.

At this early stage of debate, the public does not think the bill would have a major impact on the nation’s economy or security. About half say either that the immigration bill would not make much of a difference for the economy (35%) or that they don’t know how the bill would affect the economy (17%). An even greater percentage says the bill would have no impact on the country’s safety from terrorism (57%) or that they don’t know how the country’s security would be affected (16%).

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted April 25-28 among 1,003 adults, finds that most do not think the Boston Marathon bombings should be an important factor in the debate over immigration legislation. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) say the Boston attack and the immigration debate are mostly separate issues, while 36% say the attack should be an important factor in the debate.

Overall, the debate over immigration policy has drawn little public attention. Just 19% say they are following the story very closely. And most Americans are unaware of some of the legislation’s visible aspects.

Fewer than half (46%) know that the bill would allow unauthorized immigrants to stay in the country while applying for citizenship. And just 37% know that it was introduced by a bipartisan group of senators.

Views of Immigration Bill

Twice as many Democrats favor (44%) as oppose (22%) the immigration bill currently being debated in Congress, while 33% do not offer an opinion. Republicans are divided with 30% in favor, 34% opposed and 36% not offering an opinion. Independents also are split (28% favor, 31% oppose, 40% don’t know).

Notably, independents who lean to the Republican Party express more opposition to the bill than do self-identified Republicans. About half of Republican-leaning independents (51%) oppose the immigration bill while just 19% favor it.

College graduates support the immigration bill by roughly two-to-one (44% to 21%). Those with lower levels of education are divided over the legislation.

Blacks offer more support (42%) than opposition (22%) to the bill, while 36% offer no opinion. By contrast, whites are divided: 28% favor the proposal, 31% oppose it and 41% do not offer an opinion.

Immigration Bill Seen as Having Limited Impact

The public does not think the immigration bill before Congress would have a major impact on the economy or the country’s safety from terrorism.

When asked how the immigration bill would impact the U.S. economy, as many say it would help the economy (24%) as hurt the economy (23%). A 35% plurality says the bill wouldn’t make much difference for the economy and 17% do not offer an opinion.

In addition, 57% do not think the bill would have an effect on the country’s safety from terrorism. Those who see a potential impact are divided over whether the bill would make the country safer (14%) or less safe (13%); 16% do not offer an opinion.

There are modest partisan differences in these opinions. Overall, somewhat more Democrats say the bill would help (33%) rather than hurt (18%) the U.S. economy, while about a third (34%) say it wouldn’t make much difference. About as many Republicans say the bill would hurt (25%) as help (21%) the economy, while 36% say it wouldn’t make much difference. Independents’ views are similar to those of Republicans.

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say that the immigration bill would make the country less safe from terrorism (20% vs. 8%). But a plurality of Republicans (46%), and majorities of Democrats (62%) and independents (61%), say the bill wouldn’t have much of an effect on the country’s safety from terrorism.

Boston Attack, Immigration Debate Seen as Separate Issues

While there has been discussion in Washington about whether the terrorist attack at the Boston Marathon should impact the debate over immigration, a majority of the public sees the two as separate issues. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) say the bombings and debate over the immigration bill are mostly separate issues, while 36% say the Boston bombings should be an important factor in the debate.

Most independents (62%) and Democrats (59%) see the Boston bombings and immigration debate as separate. Republicans are somewhat more divided: 50% say they are separate issues, 46% say the bombings should be an important factor in the immigration debate.

Most Don’t Know Key Facts about Bill

Most Americans don’t know that the immigration bill before Congress was introduced by a group of Republican and Democratic senators or that the bill stipulates that unauthorized immigrants be allowed to stay in the country while applying for citizenship.

About four-in-ten (37%) correctly say that the bill was introduced by a mix of Republican and Democratic senators; 47% volunteer that they don’t know who introduced the bill, while 9% say it was introduced by a group of Democrats and 7% say it was introduced by a group of Republicans.

Only somewhat more (46%) know that the bill allows unauthorized immigrants to stay in the country while applying for citizenship, 16% think unauthorized immigrants must return to their home country before applying and 37% don’t know.

Just 24% of the public correctly answered both knowledge questions, 35% got one question correct while 41% answered neither question correctly.

Support for Bill among Knowledgeable

People who are relatively knowledgeable about the immigration bill – those able to answer both questions correctly – favor the legislation by 50% to 33%. Those less knowledgeable are more evenly divided.

Among those getting only one knowledge question correct, about as many favor (36%) as oppose (33%) the legislation with 31% not offering an opinion. A majority (57%) of those unable to answer either knowledge question have no opinion of the bill; 21% favor the legislation, while 22% oppose it.

The partisan differences in views of the immigration bill are wider among those who are aware that the bill allows unauthorized immigrants to stay in the U.S while applying for citizenship.

Republicans who know that the bill allows unauthorized immigrants to stay in the U.S. oppose the legislation by nearly two-to-one (52% to 27%). By contrast, Democrats who know this support the bill by three-to-one (60% to 18%).

Democrats who know the bill was introduced by a bipartisan group of senators also favor the bill by a wide margin (63% to 18%). But Republicans who know the legislation was sponsored by a group of Republicans and Democrats are divided (35% favor vs. 42% oppose).

As Washington sprang into action late last week to end the furlough of federal air-traffic controllers and delays at airports across the country, the public blamed both sides for the situation. Nearly equal percentages say congressional Republicans (34%) and the Obama administration (32%) are more to blame for the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) budget cuts and airport delays. Another 10% volunteer that both sides are to blame, while 20% offer no opinion.

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted April 25-28 among 1,003 adults, finds that the public has paid relatively little attention to the story: just 15% say they followed news about airport delays and the furlough of air-traffic controllers very closely, a plurality (40%) say they did not follow the story closely at all.

Independents are evenly divided over whether Republicans in Congress (31%) or the Obama administration (31%) are more to blame for budget cuts at the FAA and delays at airports across the country. Partisans take opposing views with broad majorities of Republicans (67%) saying the Obama administration is more to blame, and a comparably large percentage of Democrats (62%) saying Republicans in Congress are more to blame.

Those paying very close attention to the story are about as likely to blame the Obama administration (47%) as Republicans in Congress (40%). Those following the story less closely also are divided, (33% blame Congressional Republicans, 29% the Obama administration); nearly a quarter (23%) of those not following the story very closely say they don’t know who is more to blame, compared with just 5% of those following very closely.

The public spreads the political blame for the flight delays and FAA situation more evenly than they did for broader debates over the sequester and fiscal cliff. In a Pew Research Center/Washington Post survey conducted Feb. 21-24, 2013, days before automatic spending cuts took effect, more said Republicans in Congress (45%), rather than President Obama (32%), would be more to blame if an agreement to prevent the sequester was not reached before the deadline.

Similarly, in the weeks before the fiscal cliff deadline late last year, the public said Republicans in Congress (53%) would be more to blame than President Obama (27%) for not reaching an agreement before the Dec. 31 deadline.

For the first time in more than four decades of polling on the issue, a majority of Americans favor legalizing the use of marijuana. A national survey finds that 52% say that the use of marijuana should be made legal while 45% say it should not.

Support for legalizing marijuana has risen 11 points since 2010. The change is even more dramatic since the late 1960s. A 1969 Gallup survey found that just 12% favored legalizing marijuana use, while 84% were opposed.

The survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted March 13-17 among 1,501 adults, finds that young people are the most supportive of marijuana legalization. Fully 65% of Millennials –born since 1980 and now between 18 and 32 – favor legalizing the use of marijuana, up from just 36% in 2008. Yet there also has been a striking change in long-term attitudes among older generations, particularly Baby Boomers.

Half (50%) of Boomers now favor legalizing marijuana, among the highest percentages ever. In 1978, 47% of Boomers favored legalizing marijuana, but support plummeted during the 1980s, reaching a low of 17% in 1990. Since 1994, however, the percentage of Boomers favoring marijuana legalization has doubled, from 24% to 50%.

Generation X, born between 1965 and 1980, came of age in the 1990s when there was widespread opposition to legalizing marijuana. Support for marijuana legalization among Gen X also has risen dramatically – from just 28% in 1994 to 42% a decade later and 54% currently.

The Silent Generation continues to be less supportive of marijuana legalization than younger age cohorts. But the percentage of Silents who favor legalization has nearly doubled –from 17% to 32% – since 2002.

The survey finds that an increasing percentage of Americans say they have tried marijuana. Overall, 48% say they have ever tried marijuana, up from 38% a decade ago. Roughly half in all age groups, except for those 65 and older, say they have tried marijuana.

About one-in-ten (12%) say they have used marijuana in the past year. Age differences are much more pronounced when it comes to the recent use of marijuana: 27% of those younger than 30 say they have used marijuana in the past year, at least three times the percentage in any other age group.

Among those who say they have used marijuana in the past year, 47% say they used it “just for fun,” while 30% say it was for a medical issue; 23% volunteer they used it for medical purposes and also just for fun.

As support for marijuana legalization has grown, there has been a decline in the percentage viewing it as a “gateway drug.” Currently, just 38% agree that “for most people the use of marijuana leads to the use of hard drugs.” In 1977, 60% said its use led to the use of hard drugs.

More recently, there has been a major shift in attitudes on whether it is immoral to smoke marijuana. Currently, 32% say that smoking marijuana is morally wrong, an 18-point decline since 2006 (50%). Over this period, the percentage saying that smoking marijuana is not a moral issue has risen 15 points (from 35% then to 50% today).

Amid changing attitudes about marijuana, a sizable percentage of Americans (72%) say that government efforts to enforce marijuana laws cost more than they are worth. And 60% say that the federal government should not enforce federal laws prohibiting the use of marijuana in states where it is legal. Last fall, voters in two states – Colorado and Washington state – approved the personal use of small amounts of marijuana for recreational use.

There are partisan differences over legalizing marijuana use and whether smoking marijuana is morally wrong. But Republicans and Democrats have similar views on enforcing marijuana laws: 57% of Republicans and 59% of Democrats say that the federal government should not enforce federal marijuana laws in states that permit its use. Substantial majorities of both Republicans (67%) and Democrats (71%) also say federal enforcement of marijuana laws is not worth the cost.

While Americans increasingly support legalizing marijuana and fewer see its potential dangers, many still do not like the idea of people using marijuana around them. About half (51%) say they would feel uncomfortable if people around them were using marijuana, while 48% would not feel uncomfortable. As with nearly all attitudes about marijuana, there are substantial age differences in discomfort with others using marijuana – 74% of those 65 and older say they would be uncomfortable if people around them used marijuana, compared with 35% of those under 30.

Recent Rise in Support for Legalization

The long-term shift in favor of legalizing marijuana has accelerated in the past three years. About half (52%) of adults today support legalizing the use of marijuana, up from 41% in 2010. Since then, support for legalization has increased among all demographic and political groups.

Nearly two-thirds of those under 30 (64%) favor legalizing marijuana use, as do about half or more of those 30 to 49 (55%) and 50 to 64 (53%). There is far less support for legalization among those 65 and older (33%); still, there has been an 11-point rise in support among older Americans since 2010.

Men (57%) are somewhat more likely than women (48%) to support marijuana legalization. Support is comparable among racial and ethnic groups — roughly half of whites (52%), blacks (56%) and Hispanics (51%) favor legalizing the use of marijuana.

Only about three-in-ten conservative Republicans (29%) say marijuana use should be legal. Moderate and liberal Republicans are far more likely than conservatives to favor legalization (53%).

Like Republicans, Democrats are ideologically divided over legalizing marijuana. While 73% of liberal Democrats favor legalizing use of marijuana, only about half of conservative and moderate Democrats agree (52%).

Fully 70% of those who have ever tried marijuana, including 89% of those who have tried it in the past year, say the use of marijuana should be legal. That compares with just 35% of those who have never tried marijuana. Support for legalization has increased since 2010 among those who have ever tried marijuana (by six points) as well as those who have not (by 10 points).

Opinions about legalizing marijuana vary little among states that have more permissive marijuana laws and those that do not. A majority (55%) of those in states that have legalized medical marijuana or have decriminalized (or legalized) marijuana for personal use favor legalizing marijuana. Yet 50% of those in states in which marijuana is not decriminalized (or legal for any purpose) also favor its legalization.

Shifting Attitudes about Marijuana

Over the past three decades, there has been a substantial decline in the percentage saying that for most people marijuana leads to the use of hard drugs. Just 38% express that view currently; in a 1977 Gallup survey, 60% said marijuana led to the use of hard drugs.

Much of this shift is the result of generational change. In the 1977 survey, most of those in Greatest Generation (76%), born before 1928, accepted the link between marijuana and hard drug use. The generations that have come of age since 1977 – Gen X and Millennials – are far less likely to say that marijuana use leads to the use of hard drugs (36% of Gen X, 31% of Millennials).

Notably, Boomers view this issue in about the same way as they did in 1977, when there was relatively broad support among this age cohort for legalization. Currently, 37% of Boomers say that marijuana use leads to the use of hard drugs; in 1977, 39% expressed this view. Similarly, 60% of Silents currently say that marijuana use leads to the use of hard drugs, which is virtually the same as opinion among this age cohort in 1977 (62%).

Those who have never tried marijuana are much less likely to view marijuana as a gateway to hard drugs than in the 1970s. In 1977, 72% of those who had never tried marijuana said it led to use of hard drugs; today, just half (50%) of those who have never tried it express this view. In 1977, few who had tried marijuana said there was a link to hard drugs (19%); that remains the case today (26%).

Most Say Marijuana Has Medical Uses

Opinions also have changed about whether marijuana has legitimate medical uses. By 77% to 16%, most say that marijuana does have legitimate medical uses. In an ABC News survey in 1997, a smaller majority (58%) said it had legitimate medical uses, while 34% said it did not.

There are only modest partisan differences in views of the medical uses of marijuana: 82% of independents, 76% of Democrats and 72% of Republicans say it has legitimate medical uses. Age is also a factor in these views, but even among those 65 and older – who oppose legalizing marijuana use by nearly two-to-one – a majority (60%) says that marijuana has legitimate medical uses.

Morality of Smoking Marijuana

The percentage of Americans who say that smoking marijuana is morally wrong also has declined dramatically since 2006. A survey earlier this year found that 32% of Americans say that smoking marijuana is morally wrong, down 18 points since 2006. Over the same period, the percentage saying it is not a moral issue has increased by 15 points (from 35% to 50%).

As with many of the changes in opinions about marijuana and its use, the decline in the percentages who think that smoking marijuana is morally wrong has occurred across most demographic and political groups.

Those in the Silent Generation are more likely than younger people to say that smoking marijuana is morally wrong. But since 2006, the percentage of Silents expressing this view has decreased from 71% to 48%.

Federal Enforcement of Marijuana Laws

Nearly three-quarters of Americans (72%) say that in general, government efforts to enforce marijuana laws cost more than they are worth. And when it comes to the question of whether the federal government should enforce marijuana laws in states that have approved marijuana use, a majority (60%) says it should not.

There is agreement across partisan and demographic groups that federal government enforcement of marijuana laws is not worth the cost. Fully 78% of independents, 71% of Democrats and 67% of Republicans say government enforcement efforts cost more than they are worth.

Similarly, there is substantial opposition to the federal government enforcing marijuana laws in states that permit the legal use of marijuana: 64% of independents say the federal government should not enforce federal marijuana laws in such states, as do 59% of Democrats and 57% of Republicans.

Reported Marijuana Use Increases over Past Decade

Roughly half of adults (48%) say they have ever tried marijuana, the highest percentage ever. Just two years ago, 40% said they had tried marijuana. In both 2003 and 2001, 38% said they had used marijuana.

Of the 48% who have ever used it, about a quarter of them – 12% of the general public – say they did so in the past year. The other 36% say they have tried marijuana, but not in the past year.

People who say they have used marijuana in the past year did so both for medical reasons and “just for fun.” About half (53%) of those recent users say that a medical issue was part of the reason for their use, including 23% who volunteer that they used marijuana for both medical and recreational purposes. The remaining 47% say they used marijuana just for fun.

More than half of young people (56%) say they have ever tried marijuana, and 27% say they have tried it in the past year – by far the highest percentage in any age category.

About half of those 30- to 49 (51%) and 50-64 (54%) have ever tried marijuana, although only about one-in-ten did so last year. Just 22% of adults 65 and older have ever used marijuana, including 2% who say they have used it in the past year.

Men are more likely to say they have tried marijuana than women, 54% vs. 42%. Half of whites and blacks (50%) say they have ever tried marijuana, compared with 34% of Hispanics.

Democrats and Republicans are about equally likely to say they have tried the drug over their lifetimes, 47% vs. 43%; independents are somewhat more likely to have used it (53%). However, over the past year, more independents (14%) and Democrats (13%) than Republicans (7%) say they have used marijuana.

There is no significant difference in lifetime or recent use between people in states with some form of legalized marijuana and those in other states.

Half Would Be Uncomfortable around Marijuana Users

About half of Americans (51%) say they would feel uncomfortable if people around them used marijuana while 48% would not. Just 35% of those under 30 say they would be uncomfortable if people around them used marijuana, the lowest percentage of any age group. Twice as many of those 65 and older (74%) say they would feel uncomfortable around marijuana use.

More women than men say they would be bothered by people around them using marijuana. Nearly six-in-ten women (57%) say they would feel uncomfortable if people around them used marijuana, compared with 44% of men.

Parents are about as likely as non-parents to have ever tried marijuana and they have similar feelings about people using marijuana around them. About half of parents (50%) and non-parents (51%) say they would feel uncomfortable if people around them used marijuana.

Appendix: State Marijuana Laws

Only medical marijuana is legal:
AZ, DE, DC, HI, MI, MT, NJ, NM, VT

Marijuana is decriminalized:
MN, MS, NE, NY, NC, OH

Medical marijuana is legal and marijuana decriminalized:
AK, CA, CO, CT, ME, MA, MS, NV, OR, RI, WA

Not decriminalized or medical:
AL, AR, FL, GA, ID, IL, IN, IA, KS, KY, LA, MD, MO, NH, ND, OK, PA, SC, SD, TN, TX, UT, VA, WV, WI, WY

Source: National Conference of State Legislatures and National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws, 2013.

As the Obama administration approaches a decision on the Keystone XL pipeline, a national survey finds broad public support for the project. Two-thirds of Americans (66%) favor building the pipeline, which would transport oil from Canada’s oil sands region through the Midwest to refineries in Texas. Just 23% oppose construction of the pipeline.

Support for the pipeline spans most demographic and partisan groups. Substantial majorities of Republicans (82%) and independents (70%) favor building the Keystone XL pipeline, as do 54% of Democrats. But there is a division among Democrats: 60% of the party’s conservatives and moderates support building the pipeline, compared with just 42% of liberal Democrats.

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted March 13-17 among 1,501 adults, finds that the public has mixed opinions about increased use of fracking, a drilling method that uses high-pressure water and chemicals to extract oil and natural gas from underground rock formations. About half (48%) of Americans favor the increased use of this process, while 38% are opposed.

The survey also finds that 69% say there is solid evidence that the average temperature on earth has been getting warmer over the past few decades. That is little changed from last October (67%), but up 12 points since October 2009.

At the same time, however, the percentage of Americans who say that global warming is a very serious problem has slipped six points, from 39% to 33%, since last October.
Current opinions about whether global warming is a very serious problem are similar to those in 2009 and 2010.

Regional, Gender, Partisan Differences in Views of Fracking

There are regional differences in opinions about the increased use of fracking. More than half of those who live in the Midwest (55%) and South (52%) favor the increased use of fracking; there is less support in the West (43%) and Northeast (37%).

While men favor the increased use of fracking by a 55% to 34% margin, women are divided (41% favor, 42% oppose).

Twice as many Republicans (66%) as Democrats (33%) favor the increased use of fracking. Independents, by a 51% to 36% margin, support the increased use of fracking.

Opinions about Global Warming

Currently, 69% say there is solid evidence that the earth’s average temperature has been getting warmer over the past few decades. Among those who see evidence of global warming, more say it is caused mostly by human activity (42% of the public) than by natural patterns in the earth’s environment (23%). Nearly three-in-ten Americans (27%) say there is no solid evidence of warming.

These opinions are little changed from last fall. But four years ago, just 57% saw solid evidence of global warming and 36% said it was mostly caused by human activity.

There has been a sizable partisan gap in views about whether there is solid evidence of global warming since the Pew Research Center began asking this question in 2006. In the current survey, almost twice as many Democrats (87%) as Republicans (44%) say there is solid evidence that the average temperature on earth has been rising. Further, Democrats are three times as likely as Republicans to say that human activity is mostly causing global warming (57% vs. 19%).

Beyond the wide gap between parties in opinions about global warming, there also are differences among Republicans and Democrats.

Moderate and liberal Republicans are far more likely than conservative Republicans to say there is solid evidence of global warming (57% vs. 37%) and are more likely to say it is mostly happening because of human activity (27% vs. 16%).

Most liberal Democrats (92%) and conservative and moderate Democrats (85%) say there is solid evidence of global warming. But far more liberal Democrats (72%) than conservative and moderate Democrats (51%) say the earth is getting warmer mostly because of human activity.

Is Global Warming a Serious Problem?

Most Americans continue to say that global warming is either a very serious problem (33%) or a somewhat serious problem (32%). However, the percentage saying it is a very serious problem has declined six points (from 39%) since October 2012.

Current views about whether global warming is a serious problem are similar to those in 2009 (35% very serious problem) and 2010 (32%). From 2006 through 2008, more than four-in-ten viewed global warming as a very serious problem.

About half of Democrats (48%) say global warming is a very serious problem, an eight-point decline from 56% last October. The percentage of independents saying global warming is a very serious problem also has slipped, from 39% to 31%. Just 14% of Republicans say global warming is a very serious problem; in October, 19% of Republicans expressed this view.

The vast majority of gun owners say that having a gun makes them feel safer. And far more today than in 1999 cite protection – rather than hunting or other activities – as the maireason they own guns.

A national survey finds that nearly half of gun owners (48%) volunteer that the main reason they own a gun is for protection; just 32% say they have a gun primarily for hunting and even fewer cite other reasons, such as target shooting. In 1999, 49% said they owned a gun mostly for hunting, while just 26% cited protection as the biggest factor.

The survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted Feb. 13-18 among 1,504 adults, finds that safety also is a major concern among the majority of Americans who do not have guns. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) of those in households without guns say they would be uncomfortable having a gun in their homes. When asked why they would be uncomfortable, more cite concerns over gun accidents and safety than any other factor.

When it comes to enacting stricter gun control laws, Americans see both pros and cons. Most (58%) worry that new laws would make it more difficult for people to protect their homes and families. Roughly the same number (54%) say stricter laws would reduce the number of deaths caused by mass shootings.

Gun owners and non-gun owners have fundamental disagreements over the effectiveness of new gun laws. Two-thirds (66%) of those who live in households that do not have guns say stricter gun laws would reduce the number of deaths in mass shootings, compared with just 35% of gun owners.

Yet the partisan divide over many of these issues is at least as great as the differences between gun owners and non-gun owners. Fully 79% of Democrats say tougher gun laws would cut down on the number of deaths from mass shootings; just 29% of Republicans agree.

Public Opposes Letting States Ignore Federal Gun Laws

As previously reported, most Americans support new gun control legislation such as broader background checks or bans on assault-style weapons and high-capacity ammunition clips. Yet as such legislation is being debated in Washington, D.C., some state legislatures are considering laws that would attempt to nullify any new federal controls.

The survey finds that 60% of the public says that states should not be allowed to ignore federal gun laws, while 36% say that states should be able to ignore federal gun laws, if they choose to do so.

Gun owners are divided over whether states should be allowed to ignore federal gun laws: 49% say they should, while 48% disagree. Among those in gun-owning households who do not themselves own guns, 59% oppose states ignoring federal gun laws; among those in households without guns, 67% are opposed.

Republicans, by a 58% to 37% margin, say that states should be allowed to ignore federal gun laws if they so choose. About four-in-ten (38%) independents and just 18% of Democrats favor giving states the option to ignore federal gun laws.

Republicans are far more likely than Democrats to own guns. Nearly a third of Republicans (31%) say they personally own a gun, rifle or pistol; that compares with just 16% of Democrats. But even among Republicans who do not own guns, there is far less support for gun control generally – and more support for states being permitted to ignore federal gun laws – than among independents or Democrats.

Far fewer Republicans say that stricter gun laws would reduce the number of accidental deaths caused by guns than did so 20 years ago. Just 32% of Republicans say that stricter gun laws would reduce the number of accidental gun deaths; in 1993, 61% said tougher laws would cut down on gun-related deaths from accidents and suicides. Among Democrats, there has been virtually no change in opinions about this over the past 20 years; 74% say stricter gun laws would reduce the number of accidental deaths caused by guns, little changed from 76% in 1993.

This is consistent with a widening partisan divide in overall attitudes about whether it is more important to control gun ownership or protect the rights of Americans to own guns. Twenty years ago, there was a partisan gap of 20 points in the percentages of Republicans (45%) and Democrats (25%) prioritizing gun rights. Today, the gap has grown to 52 points; 74% of Republicans say it is more important to protect gun rights than to control gun ownership, compared with 22% of Democrats.

How Gun Owners and Non-Gun Owners Feel about Guns

About a quarter of Americans (24%) say they personally own a gun, rifle or pistol; another 13% say another person in their household has a gun. Most Americans (57%) say they do not have a gun in their household. Gun ownership rates differ by gender, region, age, race, ethnicity and other demographics (See Section 3 of this report).Gun owners increasingly cite protection as the main reason they own a gun. And a large percentage (79%) say having a gun makes them feel safer. At the same time, nearly as many (78%) say that owning a gun is something they enjoy.

Those in gun-owning households who do not personally own guns derive far less enjoyment from having a gun; just 43% say this is something that they enjoy. But more than six-in-ten (64%) say that having a gun in their home makes them feel safer.

Relatively few people in gun-owning households – either gun owners or non-gun-owners– say having a gun in the home makes them feel uncomfortable. Just 7% of gun owners and 9% of non-gun owners living in gun households say having a gun in the home makes them feel uncomfortable.

Among the majority of Americans who live in households without guns, most (58%) say that they would be uncomfortable having a gun in their homes; 40% say they would be comfortable having a gun.

There are sizable partisan and gender differences in these opinions: 58% of Republicans in households without guns say they would be comfortable having a gun in their home, compared with 30% of Democrats. Nearly half (49%) of men in households without guns say they would be comfortable with a gun in their home; just a third (33%) of women in non-gun households say this.

While protection is a major reason that gun owners give for having a weapon, safety also is a top concern among those in non-gun households who express discomfort with having a gun in their home. Among those in non-gun households who would be uncomfortable having a gun, 39% say the reason they would be uncomfortable is the risk of an accident, including 29% who specifically mention concerns about children. Another 22% have more general concerns about the dangers posed by guns or gun safety.

When Barack Obama took office four years ago, reducing the budget deficit was a middle-tier item on the public’s agenda. Only about half of Americans (53%) viewed it as a top policy priority in January 2009, placing it ninth on a list of 20 policy goals.

But as Obama begins his second term, only the economy and jobs are viewed as more important priorities for the coming year. Currently, 72% say that reducing the budget deficit should be a top priority, up 19 points from four years ago. (Click here for a graphic of the public’s 2013 priorities).

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Jan. 9-13, 2013 among 1,502 adults, finds that Americans continue to view other domestic initiatives as important priorities as well, despite their focus on the deficit. Growing numbers give high priority to dealing with education, the problems of the poor, crime and the environment.

Fully 70% say that improving the educational system should be a top priority, up from 61% in January 2009. And 57% rate dealing with the problems of the poor and needy as a top priority; four years ago, 50% viewed this as a top priority.

The survey finds that 52% view protecting the environment as a top policy priority, up 11 points from January 2009. However, dealing with global warming remains at the bottom of the public’s agenda for 2013; just 28% see this as a top priority, little changed from recent years.

Gun control also ranks relatively low on the public’s priority list; just 37% rate it as a top priority, 18th out of 21 policy goals tested. This item was last asked in 2001, when support for gun control was much broader nationwide, and 47% rated it as a top priority. However, reducing crime has become a more important policy priority in the past year; 55% rate this as a top priority, up seven points since last January and the highest percentage since 2007.

The public also continues to view the financial security of Social Security and Medicare as major goals. While 70% say taking steps to make Social Security financially sound should be a top priority, a comparable percentage (65%) says the same about making Medicare financially sound.

The survey finds that energy has slipped as a policy priority since Obama took office. Currently, 45% say that dealing with the nation’s energy problems should be a top priority, down from 60% four years ago.

Partisan Differences over Priorities

As in past Pew Research policy priority surveys, Republicans and Democrats offer differing views about the importance of many of the country’s most pressing issues.

Broad majorities of Republicans and Democrats see the economy and jobs as top priorities. And more than seven-in-ten Republicans (74%) and Democrats (72%) say making the Social Security system financially sound should be a top priority, though they may have different views about how to do so.

There is far less consensus on other issues, with some of the largest differences over the environment, gun control, and health care. Nearly seven-in-ten Democrats (69%) say protecting the environment should be a top priority compared with just 32% of Republicans. Democrats also are much more likely to emphasize strengthening gun controls laws (56%) and reducing health care costs (79%) than are Republicans (22% and 46%, respectively).

By contrast, Republicans are far more likely than Democrats to say strengthening the military is a top priority (58% vs. 31%). Republicans also are 17 points more likely than Democrats to say the budget deficit is a top priority, though a majority of Democrats (67%) also give the deficit top priority.

Democrats view more issues as top priorities than do Republicans. Across the 21 issues tested, majorities of Democrats say 13 are top priorities for the president and Congress. Among Republicans, majorities consider eight issues as top priorities.

Deficit Concerns Increase

The budget deficit has increased as a priority since 2009 among Democrats, independents and especially Republicans. Currently, 84% of Republicans say that deficit reduction should be a top priority. While that is unchanged from last year, it is 33 points higher than four years ago, when just 51% of Republicans viewed reducing the deficit as a top priority.

Democrats and independents also rate the deficit as a more important priority than they did in January 2009, though the increases have been smaller. Currently, 67% of Democrats view deficit reduction as a top priority, up from 52% four years ago; the increase among independents has been comparable (71% now, 57%).

For the last few years more Republicans than Democrats have rated reducing the deficit as a top policy priority, but this represents a reversal from the Bush administration, when Democrats typically viewed the deficit as a more important issue. At the start of George W. Bush’s second term in January 2005, for instance, 64% of Democrats and 48% of Republicans said that reducing the budget deficit should be a major priority for the president and Congress.

By contrast, during the Clinton administration, more Republicans viewed deficit reduction as a top policy objective. In January 1997, at the start of Bill Clinton’s second term, 66% of Republicans said reducing the deficit should be a top priority, compared with 54% of Democrats.

Gun Control a Lower Priority than in 2001

Currently, 37% rate strengthening the nation’s gun laws as a top policy priority. In 2001, that last time this item was included on a January priorities survey, 47% viewed this as a top policy priority.

More than half of Democrats (56%) give top priority to strengthening gun control laws compared with 32% of independents and just 22% of Republicans. Since 2001, the priority given to gun control laws has fallen by 12 points each among Republicans and independents while remaining more stable among Democrats; 61% of Democrats viewed gun control as a top priority in 2001, about the same percentage as today (56%).

Women (42%) are somewhat more likely than men (33%) to call gun control a top priority. However, smaller percentages of both women and men view gun control as a top priority than did so at the start of George W. Bush’s first term.

The current survey finds that views of the importance of strengthening gun laws are correlated with gun ownership and opinions about whether it is more important to control gun ownership or to protect gun rights. Nearly half (47%) of those who do not have a gun in their household view strengthening gun laws as a top priority, compared with 24% of those who do. And while 61% of those who say gun control is more important than gun rights prioritize stronger gun laws, just 12% of those who say it is more important to protect gun rights do so. For more on opinions about gun control, see “In Gun Control Debate, Several Options Draw Majority Support,” Jan. 14, 2013.

Environment, Energy and Global Warming

Currently, 52% of Americans say protecting the environment should be a top priority, up nine points from last year. But that is still lower than the high of 63% who said the environment should be a top priority in 2001.

At the same time, the percentage saying that dealing with the nation’s energy problems should be a top priority has slipped from 52% to 45% since last year. For the first time in five years, energy now ranks slightly lower than the environment on the public’s list of priorities.

Dealing with global warming ranks at the bottom of the public’s priority list. Just 28% say it should be a top priority for the president and Congress, little changed from 2012.

More Democrats and independents say the environment should be a top priority than did so a year ago. Fully 69% of Democrats say that, up 11 points from last year. About half (49%) of independents think environmental protection should be a top priority, up somewhat from 40% in 2012. Just 32% of Republicans say that protecting the environment should be a top priority, little changed from a year ago. The 37-point partisan gap on this issue is among the largest for all the policy priorities.

There also is a wide partisan gap over whether global warming should be a major priority. Just 13% of Republicans say dealing with global warming should be a top priority, compared with 38% of Democrats. This is among the lowest priority items for Democrats and Republicans. More independents think global warming should be a top priority (31%) than did so a year ago (21%).

By contrast, there continues to be very little partisan difference on whether dealing with the nation’s energy problems should be a top priority; 45% of both Republicans and Democrats say this.

More Republicans View Stronger Military as Top Priority

Far more Republicans view strengthening the U.S. military as a top policy priority than did so a year ago. In the current survey, 58% of Republicans say this, up from 46% in January 2012. By comparison, 38% of independents and just 31% of Democrats say strengthening the military should be a top priority; both percentages are little changed from January 2012.

Over the past decade, Republicans have consistently been much more likely than Democrats to view strengthening the military as a top policy goal. In January 2009, 64% of Republicans and just 38% of Democrats said strengthening the military should be a top priority for the president and Congress. But those differences narrowed considerably in 2011 and 2012, before widening again this year.

Crime Concerns Increase

A majority of Americans (55%) view reducing crime as a top priority for the president and Congress. This represents a sharp increase from recent years. In 2011, just 44% said crime was a top priority. While up over the past two years, the percentage calling crime a top priority still pales in comparison to the percentages saying this in the 1990s and early 2000s. In 1994, for example, 78% said reducing crime should be a top priority, making it first among the items tested on that survey.

The rise in crime as a top priority has taken place among Democrats and independents, while Republican views are little changed. About six-in-ten Democrats (63%) say crime should be a top priority, up 17 points from 2011. More than half of independents (55%) give top priority to reducing crime, up 11 points over the last two years. By contrast, just 44% of Republicans give high priority to reducing crime, unchanged from January 2011. As a result of these shifts, the gap between Democrats and Republicans is now as large as it has ever been, at 19 points.

With the public paying close attention to the national debate over gun control, Barack Obama’s gun proposals receive a mixed rating from the public. A 39% plurality say Obama’s proposals are about right while another 13% say they do not go far enough. About three-in-ten (31%) say the president’s proposals go too far; 17% do not offer an opinion.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Jan. 17-20 among 1,006 adults, finds that the public is closely tracking the gun debate: 43% followed news about Obama’s proposals very closely and an additional 29% followed the news fairly closely.

There are wide partisan divides in views of Obama’s proposals. A 57% majority of Republicans say the proposals go too far, just 7% say not far enough and 25% say they are about right. By contrast, a majority of Democrats (55%) say the proposals on guns are about right, 21% say they do not go far enough and 10% say they go too far. Independents are divided: 36% say Obama’s gun proposals are about right, while about as many (33%) say they go too far; few independents say the proposals do not go far enough (9%).

Men are somewhat more likely than women to say Obama’s proposals go too far in addressing the nation’s gun laws (36% vs. 26%). As many college graduates say the proposals go too far (25%) as not far enough (24%). By contrast, among those without a college degree, more say the proposals go too far than not far enough. Slim pluralities of all education groups say the proposals are about right. The balance of opinion on Obama’s gun proposals is similar among those who are following the debate very closely and those who are following less closely.

Gun Debate Tops Public’s News Interests

About four-in-ten (43%) say they very closely followed news about President Obama announcing proposals for strengthening gun laws; another 29% followed this story fairly closely. Interest in the gun proposals outpaced interest in all other news stories last week, including economic news (36% very closely). Interest in the gun control proposals was about as high among Republicans (44% very closely) as Democrats (47% very closely).

The public paid less attention to the hostage situation in Algeria (17% very closely). And two sports-related controversies, Lance Armstrong admitting he used performance-enhancing drugs and an alleged hoax involving Notre Dame football player Manti Te’o and false claims about his deceased girlfriend, garnered little public attention: just 11% followed Armstrong news very closely and 10% followed news about Manti Te’o very closely.

In the first week of January, the resolution to the fiscal cliff topped the public’s news agenda with 38% saying they followed that story very closely. Economic news (34% very closely) and the debate over gun control (34% very closely) also received significant public attention in the Jan. 3-6 survey.