President Obama continues to hold a substantial advantage over congressional Republicans in public regard. Obama’s job approval is back in positive territory at 51%, after slipping to 47% in March. By comparison, just 22% approve of the job Republican leaders in Congress are doing, among the lowest approval rating for congressional leaders from either party in 20 years.

Furthermore, a record-high 80% say Obama and Republican leaders are not working together to address important issues facing the country, and by nearly two-to-one (42%-22%) more blame Republican leaders than Obama for the gridlock.

Despite GOP leaders’ poor job ratings, the Republican Party runs about even with the Democrats on leading issues such as the economy, immigration and gun control. Overall, 42% say the Republican Party could do the better job dealing with the economy, while 38% say the Democratic Party. The public is similarly divided over which party could better handle gun control policy and immigration policy.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted May 1-5 among 1,504 adults, finds that Republicans have particularly low regard for their party’s congressional leaders. Just 42% approve of the job GOP leaders in Congress are doing, while 51% disapprove. This is far below the job ratings that Democrats give their party’s leaders (60% approve, 32% disapprove).

Despite their frustration with the party’s leadership, Republicans overwhelmingly say the GOP could do a better job than the Democratic Party when it comes to issues like the economy, immigration and gun control. By comparison, fewer Democrats side with their party on the economy and gun control, which is one reason why Republicans run even with the Democrats overall. On each of these three issues, independents are split as to whether the Republican Party or the Democratic Party could do better.

As Obama works toward advancing his second-term agenda, the public is divided over whether he is someone who is able to get things done (49%) or not (46%). Views of Obama’s effectiveness have declined since shortly after his re-election, when more saw him as effective (57%) than did not (37%).

While the public offers mixed views of Obama’s effectiveness in a gridlocked political environment, most say he fights hard to get his policies passed (67%) and 76% describe him as someone who stands up for what he believes in. Both impressions hold with majorities of Republicans, Democrats and independents. Views of his leadership and effectiveness, by contrast, are highly polarized.

Views of Obama, Congressional Leaders

At 51%, Barack Obama’s overall job approval rating has edged back up from a recent low of 47% in mid-March. But it still trails his 55% approval rating in early December, a month after his re-election victory.

Ratings of Republican leaders in Congress remain near all-time lows. By about three-to-one, more disapprove (68%) than approve (22%) of the job GOP leaders in Congress are doing. Republican leaders’ job approval has changed little since December of last year (25%).

Democratic leaders are viewed only somewhat more positively. Overall, 32% approve of the job Democratic leaders in Congress are doing, while 59% disapprove. In December, 40% approved of the job performance of Democratic leaders.

Republicans express mixed views of the job performance of their party’s congressional leaders: 42% approve, while 51% disapprove. By contrast, almost twice as many Democrats approve as disapprove of the job of Democratic congressional leaders (60% vs. 32%).

Independents continue to take a dim view of the job performance of both parties’ congressional leaders: Just 23% approve of Democratic leaders’ job performance while 18% give GOP leaders a positive job rating.

Parties Run Even on Key Issues

The Republican Party runs about even with the Democratic Party on three key issues: the economy, immigration and gun control. In recent years, neither political party has held a decisive advantage on these issues. The Democratic Party led on the economy through much of George W. Bush’s second term and Obama’s first year in office. But since 2010, about as many have favored the GOP as the Democrats.

Similarly, neither party has had a consistent advantage on dealing with immigration. The current survey finds opinion split evenly; Democrats held a slim advantage in late 2012, while Republicans held a slight edge in 2011.

And while the gun debate has drawn significant public attention over the past four months (see: Gun Debate Draws More Interest than Immigration Policy Debate, released April 8, 2013), it has not resulted in an advantage for either political party. In the immediate wake of the shootings in Newtown, Conn., Americans were divided over which party could better address gun control, and that divide persists today.

Independents are split over which party can do the better job on key issues. Overall, 38% of independents say the Republican Party could do the better job on the economy while nearly as many (35%) say the Democratic Party. Similarly, independents are divided over who can better address immigration (36% say each party) and gun control (41% Republican Party, 35% Democratic Party). On all three issues, about a quarter of independents volunteer no preference between the two parties.

Eight-in-ten Republicans (79%) say the GOP could do the better job dealing with the economy, while just 9% say the Democratic Party. Fewer Democrats (65%) say their party could do better on the economy, while 22% say the GOP could do better.

Similarly, while 76% of Republicans say the Republican Party better reflects their views on gun control, 66% of Democrats choose the Democratic Party. On dealing with immigration, 69% of Republicans prefer the GOP while about as many Democrats (63%) say the Democratic Party could do better.

Eight-in-Ten Say Obama, GOP Leaders Not Working Together

The percentage saying that Obama and Republican leaders are not working together has risen steadily during Obama’s presidency. Currently, 80% say the two sides are not working together, up from 65% in February 2011 (shortly after Republicans won control of the House) and just 45% in early 2009.

By nearly two-to-one, those who see a lack of cooperation are more likely to blame Republican leaders in Congress (42%) than Obama (22%) for the gridlock. The percentage blaming Republicans is up 11 points since February 2011, while the percentage blaming Obama is little changed over that time period.

Republicans and Democrats are about equally likely to say that GOP leaders and Obama are not cooperating, but Republicans are more likely to say their own party is at least partly to blame for gridlock than are Democrats.

Overall, 53% of Republicans blame Obama for the lack of cooperation in Washington. However, 28% say either that GOP leaders (12%) or both Republican leaders and Obama (17%) are to blame for not working together on important issues.

Democrats are less likely to see any blame on their side of the aisle. Seven-in-ten (70%) blame GOP leaders for the gridlock in Washington, while just 7% say either that Obama is most to blame (4%) or volunteer that both parties are to blame (3%).

Independents are much more likely to say that Republican leaders are to blame for the lack of cooperation in Washington (39%) than Obama (20%); 17% volunteer that both are to blame.

Majorities Say Obama Stands up for Beliefs, Fights for Policies

Following the failure of gun control legislation backed by the Obama administration, most continue to say that Obama stands up for what he believes in (76%) and that he fights hard to get his policies passed (67%). Most also say that Obama is a strong leader (56%); 40% say he is not a strong leader.

However, the percentage saying that Obama is able to get things done has edged down since shortly after Obama’s second inauguration. In the current survey, about as many say Obama is able to get things done (49%) as not able to get things done (46%). In January, Obama was viewed as able to get things done by a 57%-37% margin.

Majorities of Republicans, Democrats and independents agree that Obama stands up for what he believes in and fights hard to get his policies passed. There is far less partisan agreement over Obama’s leadership ability and effectiveness.

Just 18% of Republicans view Obama as a strong leader and an identical percentage say he is able to get things done. Fully 86% of Democrats say Obama is a strong leader and 74% say he is able to get things done.

By a 56%-41% margin, more independents say Obama is a strong leader than not. However, independents are divided over whether Obama is able to get things done (46%) or not (49%).

Views of Obama Similar to Bush at Comparable Point

Impressions of Obama’s leadership and effectiveness are similar to those of George W. Bush at comparable points in their presidencies.

Currently, 56% say Obama is a strong leader, while 41% say he is not a strong leader. Public views of Bush’s leadership were nearly the same in July 2005, in the first year of his second term (55% strong leader, 41% not).

Bush also got about the same rating for his ability to get things done as Obama does today (50% vs. 49% for Obama). Bill Clinton received more positive ratings for effectiveness than either Obama or Bush in the first year of his second term; in August 1997, 64% said Clinton was able to get things done.

More Approve than Disapprove of Obama’s Job Performance

Overall, 51% approve of the job Obama is doing as president, while 43% disapprove. Obama’s job ratings have ticked up since March (47% approve, 46% disapprove), but remain less positive than they were in December, immediately following his re-election (55% approve, 39% disapprove).

Among independents, 48% approve of the job Obama is doing while 45% disapprove. Democrats overwhelmingly approve of Obama’s job performance (85% approve vs. 9% disapprove), while Republicans disapprove by a similar margin (85% disapprove vs. 12% approve).

The key Senate vote that halted gun control legislation last week is drawing a mixed reaction from the American public: 47% express negative feelings about the vote while 39% have a positive reaction to the Senate’s rejection of gun control legislation that included background checks on gun purchases. Overall, 15% say they are angry this legislation was voted down and 32% say they are disappointed. On the other side, 20% say are very happy the legislation was blocked, while 19% say they are relieved.

The new national survey by the Pew Research Center and the Washington Post, conducted April 18-21 among 1,002 adults, finds a wide partisan gap in reactions. Just over half of Republicans are either very happy (29%) or relieved (23%) that the legislation was voted down, though roughly a third of Republicans say they are either disappointed (26%) or angry (8%). Among Democrats, fully two-thirds (67%) express negative sentiments about the legislation’s failure, with more saying they are disappointed (41%) than angry (26%).

Republicans and Democrats paid equally close attention to the gun debate last week: 40% across party lines say they tracked the events very closely, making it the second most closely followed story last week, after the terrorist bombings at the Boston Marathon. About half of those who followed news about the gun control debate very closely last week had particularly strong reactions to the Senate vote – 31% say they are very happy about the outcome while 22% are angry. Among those who followed news about the debate less closely, only about a quarter offered such strong reactions.

The overall balance of positive and negative reactions to the Senate vote tracks more closely to earlier measures of the public’s broad views on gun control than to attitudes toward background checks specifically. A Pew Research Center/USA TODAY survey in February found the public divided over whether gun control (50%) or gun rights (46%) should be the higher priority. By contrast, making private gun sales and sales at gun shows subject to background checks was supported by an 83% to 15% margin in the February survey.

Despite stark political divisions in the Senate over the Toomey-Manchin legislation, there are relatively modest differences in public reactions in states represented by senators on both sides of the vote. Even in states where both senators voted in favor of the legislation, only about half of the constituents are angry or disappointed that the proposal failed. Similarly, in states where both members voted no only about half are very happy or relieved the bill was blocked.

In the 21 states where both senators supported the legislation, including California, New York and Illinois, 51% say they are either angry or disappointed that the legislation failed, while 38% are very happy or relieved about the outcome. Just 16% of people in these states say they are angry the legislation was voted down, while 35% are simply disappointed.

In the 13 states where one senator voted in favor and one voted against the bill, such as Florida, Ohio and Arizona, the overall balance of opinion is similar: 49% say they are angry or disappointed, 36% very happy or relieved.

Reactions to the Senate vote are more positive in states represented by two senators who both voted against the legislation. In the 16 states where both senators voted against the legislation, such as Texas, Georgia and Tennessee, 46% say they are very happy or relieved that the bill did not pass; 37% say they are angry or disappointed.

Appendix: Senate Vote on Toomey-Manchin Proposal by State

States with two senators voting yes:

CA, CO, CT, DE, HI, IL, ME, MD, MA, MI, MN, NJ, NM, NY, OR, PA, RI, VT, VA, WA, WV

States with one senator voting yes and one senator voting no:
AZ, FL, IN, IA, LA, MO, MT, NV*, NH, NC, OH, SD, WI
* Sen. Harry Reid (D-NV) originally voted yes, but then changed his vote to no so that he could reintroduce the proposal at a later time. For this analysis, Sen. Reid is considered a yes vote.

States with two senators voting no:
AL, AK, AR, GA, ID, KS, KY, MS, NE, ND, OK, SC, TN, TX, UT, WY

Source: U.S. Senate

After a series of fiscal crises over the past few years, the public is not expressing a particular sense of urgency over the pending March 1 sequester deadline. With little more than a week to go, barely a quarter have heard a lot about the scheduled cuts, while about as many have heard nothing at all.

And if the president and Congress cannot reach a deficit reduction agreement before the deadline, 40% of Americans say it would be better to let the automatic spending cuts go into effect, while 49% say it would be better to delay the cuts. Both Republicans and independents are divided evenly over which approach is better, and even among Democrats, roughly a third favor letting the sequester take effect over any delays.

The new survey, conducted Feb. 13-18, 2013 with 1,504 adults nationwide, is the first in a collaboration between the Pew Research Center and USA TODAY. It finds that, as with previous conflicts over the debt ceiling and fiscal cliff, Obama holds the upper hand politically over congressional Republicans. If there is no deficit deal by March 1, 49% say congressional Republicans would be more to blame while just 31% would mostly blame President Obama.

Moreover, 76% say that the president and Congress should focus on a combination of spending cuts and tax increases to reduce the budget deficit. Just 19% agree with the current Republican position that tax increases should be off the table.

And while Obama’s 51% job approval rating is down slightly from a post-election high of 55%, it remains well above the 25% approval rating for GOP congressional leaders. The job rating for Democratic leaders is higher (37%), though more disapprove (55%) than approve of their performance.

The poll finds new evidence of the public’s concern over the federal budget deficit. Fully 70% say it is essential for the president and Congress to pass major legislation to reduce the federal budget deficit, including wide majorities across party lines. Last month, the Pew Research Center’s annual policy priorities survey found a sharp rise in the percentage rating deficit reduction as a top priority since 2009.

Far fewer say it is essential to act on three other issues that Obama mentioned prominently in his State of the Union address: 51% say it is essential for the president and Congress to act on major immigration legislation; 46% view major gun legislation as essential; just 34% say it is essential to set new federal policies dealing with climate change.

There are wide partisan differences in attitudes about all four issues. This also is the case in views about whether to raise the minimum wage, another proposal Obama raised in his State of the Union.

By a wide margin (71% to 26%), the public favors increasing the minimum wage from its current level of $7.25 per hour to $9.00 an hour. But while large majorities of Democrats (87%) and independents (68%) favor raising the minimum wage, Republicans are evenly divided (50% favor, 47% oppose).

Among all Republicans and Republican-leaning independents, those who agree with the Tea Party oppose the proposed minimum wage hike by two-to-one (64% to 32%). Those who have no opinion of the Tea Party, or disagree with it, favor increasing the minimum wage by 60% to 36%.

Most Want Deficit Efforts Focused Largely on Spending Cuts

A substantial majority of Americans (76%) feel that both spending cuts and tax increases should be a part of the next step in tackling the federal budget deficit. But an equally large proportion believes that the greater share should come from spending cuts, even if tax hikes are also considered.

Overall, 19% say the focus of deficit reduction efforts should be only on spending cuts; just 3% want to concentrate only on tax increases. About four-in-ten Republicans (42%) favor reducing the deficit with spending cuts alone; that compares with 18% of independents and just 6% of Democrats. Even among Republicans, more favor a combination of spending cuts and tax increases to just spending cuts (56% vs. 42%).

When those who favor a balanced approach to reducing the deficit are asked if the focus should mostly be on spending cuts or tax increases, they overwhelmingly say spending cuts. Overall, 73% say efforts by the president and Congress to reduce the deficit should be only or mostly focused on spending cuts while just 19% say the focus should be only or mostly on tax increases.

Immigration: Plurality Favors Border Security and Path to Citizenship

Nearly half (47%) say the priority for illegal immigration is better border security, stronger law enforcement and creating a way for people here illegally to become citizens if they meet certain requirements. Just a quarter (25%) favors an enforcement-only approach while an identical percentage says the focus should only be on a so-called path to citizenship. The percentage favoring a dual approach to immigration policy has risen modestly since June, from 42% to 47%.

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say that better border security and stronger enforcement of immigration laws should be the bigger priority, while Democrats are more likely to want the focus to be on creating a way for illegal immigrants already here to become citizens if they meet certain requirements.

Obama holds a sizable advantage over congressional Republicans on immigration. Half (50%) say that Obama has a better approach to dealing with immigration, compared with 33% who say congressional Republicans have a better approach. Obama’s job approval in handling the nation’s immigration policy, in negative territory for most of his presidency, also has improved.

Currently, about as many approve (44%) as disapprove (43%) of Obama’s handling of immigration policy; in seven surveys since 2009, far more disapproved than approved. Hispanics, in particular, are much more positive about Obama’s job performance on immigration: 63% approve currently, up from just 28% in November 2011.

Views on Gun Control Unchanged Since Shortly After Newtown

Gun control and climate change are potentially even more divisive political issues. For Democrats, 71% say it is essential that the president and Congress pass major gun legislation this year – that is slightly higher than the number saying major deficit reduction legislation is essential (65%). But just 19% of Republicans place the same emphasis on gun legislation. Nearly half of Democrats (47%) view action on climate change as essential this year, compared with 15% of Republicans.

Americans remain divided over whether it is more important to control gun ownership (50%) or protect the right of Americans to own guns (46%), with no significant change in attitudes in the two months since shortly after the Newtown shootings. Similarly, there has been no change in public views about banning high capacity clips (53% favor), banning assault weapons (56% favor), or broader background checks (83% favor).

As Barack Obama begins his second term in office, trust in the federal government remains mired near a historic low, while frustration with government remains high. And for the first time, a majority of the public says that the federal government threatens their personal rights and freedoms.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Jan. 9-13 among 1,502 adults, finds that 53% think that the federal government threatens their own personal rights and freedoms while 43% disagree.

In March 2010, opinions were divided over whether the government represented a threat to personal freedom; 47% said it did while 50% disagreed. In surveys between 1995 and 2003, majorities rejected the idea that the government threatened people’s rights and freedoms.

The growing view that the federal government threatens personal rights and freedoms has been led by conservative Republicans. Currently 76% of conservative Republicans say that the federal government threatens their personal rights and freedoms and 54% describe the government as a “major” threat. Three years ago, 62% of conservative Republicans said the government was a threat to their freedom; 47% said it was a major threat.

By comparison, there has been little change in opinions among Democrats; 38% say the government poses a threat to personal rights and freedoms and just 16% view it as a major threat.

People who say they have guns in their households continue to be more likely than those who do not to say that the government is a threat to their personal rights and freedoms. About six-in-ten (62%) in gun-owning households see the government as a threat, compared with 45% of those without guns; this gap is no larger today than it was three years ago.

The survey finds continued widespread distrust in government. About a quarter of Americans (26%) trust the government in Washington to do the right thing just about always or most of the time; 73% say they can trust the government only some of the time or volunteer that they can never trust the government. Explore a Pew Research interactive on Public Trust in Government: 1958-2013.

Just 20% of Americans say they are basically content with the federal government; 58% say they are frustrated while 19% say they are angry. For the most part, these views have changed little during Obama’s presidency. However, the percentage saying they are content with government sank to a low of just 11% in August 2011, following protracted negotiations between the president and congressional leaders over raising the debt ceiling. The same survey found that the percentage expressing anger at government had reached 26%, and just 19% said they trusted the government at least most of the time.

Views of Congress: Problem Lies with Members, Not the System

Opinions about Congress, while little changed over the past year, also remain very negative. Just 23% offer a favorable opinion of Congress, while 68% express an unfavorable view. Favorable views of Congress hit 50% in spring 2009 but subsequently have plummeted.

For two decades between 1985 and 2005 Congress was generally viewed more favorably than unfavorably. The low point during that period came in the fall of 1995 – just prior to the government shutdown of that year – when 42% offered a favorable opinion of Congress.

When asked if the current problem with Congress is a broken political system, or the members themselves, most people continue to point to the lawmakers. A majority (56%) says that the political system can work fine, it is the members of Congress that are the problem. Only about a third (32%) says that lawmakers have good intentions and it is political system that is broken.

At a time when there are wide partisan differences in opinions about government, there is broad agreement that members of Congress are the problem. Virtually identical majorities of Republicans (58%), Democrats (57%) and independents (56%) say that lawmakers, rather than the political system, are the problem with Congress.

Government Viewed as ‘Threat’

Overall, 53% of Americans think that the federal government threatens their own rights and freedoms; 31% say it is major threat, while 22% say it a minor threat. Roughly three-quarters (76%) of conservative Republicans say that the government threatens their personal rights, and most (54%) say the government poses a major threat, by far the highest percentage of any ideological group.

Among moderate and liberal Republicans, 57% view the federal government as a threat to personal rights and freedoms and just 32% say it is a major threat. These opinions, like those among Democrats and independents, are little changed from March 2010.

Trust in Government Remains Low

For the past seven years, a period covering the final two years of the Bush administration and Obama’s entire presidency, no more than about three-in-ten Americans have said that they trust the government in Washington to do the right thing always or most of the time.

The current survey finds only about quarter (26%) saying they can trust the government always or most of the time, while nearly three-quarters (73%) say that they can trust government only some of the time, or volunteer than they can never trust the government.

Majorities across all partisan and demographic groups express little or no trust in government. However, there continue to be sizable racial, age and partisan differences in these opinions.

More than twice as many Hispanics as whites trust the federal government (44% vs. 20%); among blacks, 38% say they can trust the government always or most of the time.

People younger than 30 have more trust in government than do those older than 30. And far more Democrats (38%) than independents (21%) or Republicans (15%) say they can trust the government at least most of the time.

The Pew Research Center’s 2010 study of attitudes toward government found that, since the 1950s, the party in control of the White House has expressed more trust in government than the so-called “out party.” But partisan differences in trust in government have been much wider during the Bush and Obama administrations than during previous administrations. For more, see “Distrust, Discontent and Partisan Anger: The People and Their Government,” April 18, 2010.

Frustration with Government Is Nothing New

Public frustration with the federal government is not new. Since 1997, only once has a majority said they were “basically content” with the government – in November 2001, two months after the 9/11 terrorist attacks.

Over this 15-year period, majorities have consistently said they are frustrated with government, with smaller percentages expressing anger. The percentage saying they are angry at the government reached a high of 26% in August 2011, following the deal to lift the debt ceiling. Currently, 19% feel angry at government, 58% are frustrated, while 20% are basically content.

Conservative Republicans are more likely to say they are angry at the government: 31% say they are angry, compared with 17% of moderate and liberal Republicans and much smaller percentages of Democrats.

In October 2006, during George W. Bush’s second term, those at the opposite end of the ideological spectrum – liberal Democrats – were most angry at government. At that time, 44% of liberal Democrats said they were angry at the federal government, far higher than the share of conservative Republicans expressing anger today.

]]> http://www.people-press.org/2013/01/31/majority-says-the-federal-government-threatens-their-personal-rights/feed/ 0 http://www.people-press.org/2013/01/17/obama-in-strong-position-at-start-of-second-term/ http://www.people-press.org/2013/01/17/obama-in-strong-position-at-start-of-second-term/#comments Thu, 17 Jan 2013 15:56:06 +0000 Pew Research Center for the People and the Press http://www.people-press.org/?p=20049018 Overview

As he prepares for his second inauguration, Barack Obama is in a stronger position with the public than he was over much of his first term. At 52%, his job approval rating is among the highest since the early months of his presidency. His personal favorability, currently 59%, has rebounded from a low of 50% in the fall campaign. And increasing percentages describe him as a strong leader, able to get things done and as someone who stands up for his beliefs.

Obama’s political advantage is enhanced by the poor standing of his Republican counterparts. The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Jan. 9-13 among 1,502 adults finds that both House Speaker John Boehner and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell are viewed more unfavorably than favorably.

The Republican Party’s image, which reached a recent high of 42% favorable following the GOP convention this past summer, has fallen once again to a low of just 33%. Much of this decline has come among Republicans themselves. Favorable opinions of the GOP among Republicans have fallen 20 points since September (from 89% to 69%) and are now as low as at any point during the past 20 years.

While his personal image is strong, Obama’s current j0b rating is not high compared with other two-term presidents since World War II. Among presidents dating back to Harry S. Truman, only George W. Bush began his second term with a rating about as low as Obama’s (50% approval in January 2005). To a degree, this reflects the partisan polarization in opinions about both Obama and Bush; Obama’s current rating among Republicans (14% approve) is about the same as Bush’s among Democrats eight years ago (17%).

Among recent two-term presidents, none has had a significantly better job approval mark at the end of his presidency than at the start of his second term.

Since Obama entered the White House four years ago, his strongest ratings have typically been on his personal traits, and he has improved his standing on these measures over the past year.

Fully 82% say that Obama stands up for what he believes in; 75% said this a year ago. Nearly six-in-ten (57%) say Obama is able to get things done, up 11 points from a year ago, and 59% say he is a strong leader, up seven points since then.

Nonetheless, these personal ratings are all far lower than they were shortly after he took office four years ago. A few weeks after his inauguration, 70% said he was able to get things done and even higher percentages gave him positive ratings for other attributes.

Obama also faces a far more skeptical and frustrated public today than he did four years ago. Just 33% expect economic conditions to get better over the coming year – that figure was 43% in December 2008. And the public is pessimistic about the prospects for bipartisan cooperation in Washington. Just 23% expect Republicans and Democrats will work together more in the coming year, less than half the percentage that expressed that view in January 2009 (50%).

After a series of bruising political battles over the past few years, the public’s desire for political compromise in Washington has increased notably. In March 2011, soon after Republicans gained a majority in the House, 54% said they liked elected officials who stuck to their positions, while 40% liked politicians who made compromises with people they disagreed with. Today, 50% say they like leaders who compromise, and 44% like those who stick to their positions.

The percentages of Democrats and independents saying they prefer politicians who compromise has increased over the past two years. Currently, 59% of Democrats say they like elected officials who make compromises, up from 46% in March 2011. Similarly, there has been a 12-point increase in the percentage of independents expressing a preference for politicians who compromise (from 41% to 53%).

By contrast, Republicans’ opinions are largely unchanged from two years ago. Currently, 55% say they like elected officials who stick to their positions compared with 36% who like elected officials who make compromises. Among conservative Republicans, about twice as many prefer politicians who stick to their positions than those who compromise (60% vs. 31%).

Other Important Findings

Christie’s Crossover Appeal. Favorable opinions of the New Jersey governor outnumber unfavorable views by two-to-one – among Democrats. He is even more highly regarded among Republicans.

Mixed Views of Bloomberg. Impressions of New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg are more evenly divided. Notably, those who favor gun control view Bloomberg much more favorably than do supporters of gun rights.

Obama’s Legacy – TBD. A third of Americans (33%) say that in the long run Obama will be a successful president, while 26% say he will be unsuccessful. But a plurality (39%) says it is too soon to tell. Views about Bush were similar at the start of his second term.

Michelle’s Strong Image. While Barack Obama’s favorability rating has improved, the first lady is still more popular than her husband. Currently, 67% view Michelle Obama favorably, while just 22% have an unfavorable opinion of her.

The Democrats are in a strong position with the public as they engage in negotiations to find a solution to the fiscal cliff crisis. Barack Obama’s first post-reelection job approval rating has risen to 55%, up five points since July and 11 points since the start of the year. Obama’s job rating is markedly higher than George W. Bush’s first job measure (48%) after he won reelection in 2004.

When it comes to the reaching an agreement to avoid the fiscal cliff, 55% say Obama is making a serious effort to work with Republicans. But just 32% say Republican leaders are making a serious effort to work with Obama on a deficit deal.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Dec. 5-9 among 1,503 adults, finds that the current problems for the GOP run deep. Just 25% approve of the way Republican leaders in Congress are doing their jobs, while 40% approve of Democratic leaders’ job performance. And the GOP’s lead negotiator, House Speaker John Boehner, is viewed more unfavorably (40%) than favorably (28%).

By a 53% to 33% margin, the public sees the Republican Party, rather than the Democratic Party, as “more extreme in its positions.” Democrats, on the other hand, are seen as “more willing to work with leaders from the other party” by roughly two-to-one (53% vs. 27%).

Americans have long felt that deficit reduction should be achieved with a combination of spending cuts and tax increases, and as the debate intensifies, this consensus is only growing. Nearly three-quarters (74%) say the best way to reduce the deficit is by both cutting major programs and increasing taxes, up from 69% in September and just 60% in July 2011 when the debate focused on raising the debt ceiling. Just 11% say the focus should mostly be on program cuts and 7% say the focus should be mostly on tax increases.

However, while the public endorses a balanced approach to deficit reduction, majorities continue to oppose making cuts in federal funding for several specific programs, including education (77% disapprove), roads and transportation (67%), programs to aid low-income Americans (58%) and military defense (55%). And majorities also disapprove of gradually raising the retirement age for Medicare and Social Security (56% each).

In fact, the only deficit reduction proposals that garner more support than opposition – among 12 items tested – are those that affect higher income Americans, either directly or indirectly. Of the 12, by far the most widely supported option is raising taxes on incomes over $250,000; fully 69% approve of that proposal. Narrow majorities also favor limiting the deductions a taxpayer can claim (54% approve) and raising the tax rate on investment income (52%).

There is more support for an overall cap on tax deductions than for a limit on the tax deduction for home mortgage interest: opinion runs against limiting the mortgage deduction (41% approve, 52% disapprove), but in favor of a more general deduction limit as some have proposed (54% approve, 40% disapprove).

While the nation’s budget deficit may be the focus in Washington, the public continues to view the job situation as the most worrisome national economic issue. Four-in-ten (40%) say the job situation is the top economic worry, while 25% say the federal budget deficit. These views have changed little since March.

Although the public expresses doubts about the Republican Party’s leadership and approach to the current discussion, the GOP still engenders about as much confidence as the Democrats on the public’s top two economic worries – jobs and the deficit. But Democrats hold significant leads on all other domestic issues tested, including education, energy, health care and Social Security, as well as being seen as the party better able to manage the federal government by a 45% to 36% margin.

And there has been no improvement in the Republican Party’s image over the past year. The job approval rating of Republican congressional leaders, which fell to just 22% in August of 2011 after the debt ceiling debate, stands virtually unchanged at 25% today. Meanwhile, the job rating for both Democratic leaders in Congress (now 40% up from 29% in August 2011) and Obama (55% up from 43%) have rebounded by double-digits.

The recovery in Obama’s job approval ratings is particularly notable; other than a brief spike following the killing of Osama bin Laden, Obama’s approval has not been significantly above 50% since September of his first year in office.

And this corresponds with a less sour assessment of the economy. While few say the economy is in good shape, the number describing economic conditions as poor stands at 35%, the lowest since January 2008. And while only 22% believe that plenty of jobs are available, that is up from 10% in early 2010, and the highest since 2008. However, while current conditions appear slightly better, expectations for the future have taken a turn for the worse. The share who think economic conditions will be worse a year from now has risen to 25%, a four year high.

Partisanship is a factor in the changing views of the economy, particularly the public’s less positive economic outlook. Republicans, who no doubt were stung by Obama’s victory last month and are deeply pessimistic about progress toward a deal to avoid the fiscal cliff, have an increasingly negative economic outlook.

Nearly half of Republicans (47%) say the economy will be worse a year from now than it is today. In January, just 19% expected national conditions to worsen. Economic expectations among Democrats and independents are little changed from the start of this year.

A Pew Research Center/Washington Post poll last week found that 69% of Republicans said Obama and congressional Republicans will not reach a budget agreement by the Jan.1 deadline. By contrast, most Democrats (55%) predicted that the two sides would be able to reach an agreement in time.

Republicans’ deepening gloom – about the economy and the fiscal cliff – appears to have colored their overall expectations for the coming year. Fully 69% say 2013 will be worse than 2012; that compares with just 9% of Democrats and 38% of independents. Last January, just 37% of Republicans said the year ahead would be worse than the year that had just passed.

Meanwhile, there has been an across the board rise in the number saying that the country is more politically divided than it was in the past. Currently, 80% view the country as more politically divided – the highest percentage ever in a Pew Research Center survey. Nearly identical percentages of Democrats (82%), Republicans (81%) and independents (80%) say the country is more politically divided.

And 60% now say the people they know also are more politically divided. That is higher than the percentages saying this shortly after Obama first won the presidency (47% in January 2009) and Bush won his second term (53% in December 2004). In the current survey, majorities of Republicans (67%), independents (60%) and Democrats (58%) say the people they know are more divided over politics than in the past.

Other Findings

Military’s Ratings Still Strong. Favorable ratings for the military – and military leaders – remain strong despite the recent scandal involving former Gen. David Petraeus. More than eight-in-ten (83%) express a favorable opinion of the military while 71% have a favorable view of military leaders. Both measures are little changed from past years.

Views of Supreme Court Still Divided. The partisan differences in opinions about the Supreme Court that emerged after its ruling on the 2010 health care law remain evident. About six-in-ten Democrats (62%) have a favorable opinion of the court, compared with 44% of Republicans. In April, before its July ruling upholding most of the law, there were no significant differences in views of the court.

Mixed Awareness of Fiscal Cliff. A majority (57%) knows that the fiscal cliff involves automatic spending cuts and tax increases and 70% know that nearly all taxpayers – not just those with high incomes – would be affected. But just 38% know that if the spending cuts go into effect, the military would be most affected.

Barack Obama begins his fourth year in office facing a struggling economy, an unhappy public, and a lower job approval rating than most of his recent predecessors at a comparable point in their presidencies. In fact, Obama’s job rating today is a bit more negative than it was in December: 48% disapprove of his performance as president while 44% approve.

George W. Bush began his reelection year with a 56% job approval rating; Bill Clinton’s approval rating was 50% in January 1996. Obama’s current mark is closer to George H. W. Bush’s in January 1992 (46% approved, 43% disapproved).

Obama continues to struggle among political independents: Just 37% of independents approve of the way he is handling his job as president while 56% disapprove. George H. W. Bush had a similar approval rating (39%). But Obama’s disapproval rating among independents is higher than Bush’s, and much higher than either Clinton’s or George W. Bush’s.

Nonetheless, Obama possesses political strengths at the start of his reelection year, notably a positive personal image. Large majorities say Obama stands up for his beliefs (75%), cares about people like them (61%) and is trustworthy (61%). And while perceptions of Obama’s leadership have declined over time, on balance more say he is a strong leader than disagree (52% vs. 45%).

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Jan. 11-16 among 1,502 adults, finds that Obama’s personal image is much stronger than GOP frontrunner Mitt Romney’s. Currently, 51% say they have a favorable opinion of Obama while 45% have an unfavorable view. Romney’s favorability with the public stands at just 31%, while his unfavorable rating is as high as Obama’s (45%). (For more on the GOP primary and general election, see “Unpopular Nationally, Romney Holds Solid GOP Lead,” Jan. 18, 2012).

The survey also finds that Michelle Obama remains broadly popular with the public. Currently 66% say they have a favorable opinion of Michelle Obama while just 21% have an unfavorable view. Favorable opinions of the first lady have declined only modestly – by 10 points – since peaking at 76% early in her first year in the White House. In contrast, Barack Obama’s personal favorability has fallen by 22 points (from 73% to 51%) during this period.

The public’s views of the legacy of the Obama presidency reflect his mixed job approval ratings. About as many say Obama will be an unsuccessful (32%) as a successful president (27%), with a plurality (39%) saying it is too soon to tell. Similarly, about equal percentages think the failures of the Obama administration will outweigh its accomplishments (44%) as say its accomplishments will outweigh its failures (43%). On both measures, Obama is seen less positively than George W. Bush was at about the same point in his first term.

As has been the case for much of his presidency, Obama receives much better job approval ratings for terrorism and international threats than he does for the economy, energy policy or the budget deficit. Obama’s approval rating for handling the threat of terrorism stands at 65%, 10 points higher than a year ago. His rating for terrorism today is nearly as high as it was just after the killing of Osama bin Laden last May (69%).

A majority of the public (56%) also approves of the way Obama is handling the situation in Afghanistan; just 37% disapprove. His job rating on Afghanistan also turned much more positive following bin Laden’s death and remains positive today.

Nearly half (48%) approve of the way Obama is dealing with the situation in Iran; almost as many (41%) disapprove. And about as many approve (46%) as disapprove (45%) of the way Obama is handling the nation’s foreign policy.

However, Obama’s job ratings on major domestic issues – the economy and the federal budget deficit – remain abysmal. Just 38% approve of his handling of the economy while 59% disapprove. His rating on the budget deficit is equally negative (34% approve, 62% disapprove. The percentage disapproving of his handling of these issues has risen over the past year (by eight points and nine points, respectively).  In addition, for the first time in Obama’s presidency, significantly more disapprove (46%) than approve (36%) of his handling of energy policy. (This survey was conducted before the Obama administration’s recent decision on the Keystone XL oil pipeline.)

Other Findings

Few “Green Shoots” Evident. Public views about the economy remain quite negative. Just 11% say the nation’s economy is excellent or good, and only 16% say jobs are plentiful in their community. Still, more expect economic conditions to be better a year from now than did so in December (34% now, 28% then).

Congress at Record Low. Just 23% express favorable opinion of Congress, among the lowest measures ever in a Pew Research Center survey. House Speaker John Boehner and Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid are increasingly unpopular among members of their own parties.

Cooperation Not Conflict. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) say GOP leaders should work with Obama, even if it means disappointing some Republican supporters. About the same percentage (59%) wants to see Obama compromise, even if that means disappointing some Democratic supporters.

Biden Down, Clinton Still Up. Joe Biden’s favorability rating has declined since the first year of the Obama administration. Just 38% view Biden favorably, down from 50% in November 2009. By contrast, 62% view Hillary Clinton favorably, largely unchanged over this period.

Obama’s Influences. Nearly seven-in-ten Republicans (69%) say Obama listens more to liberal Democrats than moderates in the party. Democrats, by contrast, increasingly see Obama being influenced by moderates – 58% of Democrats express this view, up from 44% in June 2010.

Public discontent with Congress has reached record levels, and the implications for incumbents in next year’s elections could be stark. Two-in-three voters say most members of Congress should be voted out of office in 2012 – the highest on record. And the number who say their own member should be replaced matches the all-time high recorded in 2010, when fully 58 members of Congress lost reelection bids – the most in any election since 1948.

The Republican Party is taking more of the blame than the Democrats for a do-nothing Congress. A record-high 50% say that the current Congress has accomplished less than other recent Congresses, and by nearly two-to-one (40% to 23%) more blame Republican leaders than Democratic leaders for this. By wide margins, the GOP is seen as the party that is more extreme in its positions, less willing to work with the other side to get things done, and less honest and ethical in the way it governs. And for the first time in over two years, the Democratic Party has gained the edge as the party better able to manage the federal government.

To be sure, neither party’s leadership is viewed positively right now. Just 31% approve of how Democratic congressional leaders have performed. But even fewer (21%) approve of the job Republican leaders have done. And a good deal of this criticism is coming from within the GOP base. While Democrats approve of the job their party’s leaders are doing by a 60% to 31% margin, only 49% of Republicans approve of the GOP leaders in Congress are doing, while 44% disapprove.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Dec. 7-11, 2011 among 1,521 adults, finds that Republicans are as eager to see big changes in Congress as they were two years ago. Despite their party’s majority status in the House of Representatives, seven-in-ten Republicans say most members of Congress should be replaced, as do 73% of independents and 60% of Democrats. This stands in stark contrast to the last several election cycles, when voters from the party with a House majority have said most members should keep their jobs.

In fact, one of the few areas of bipartisan agreement when it comes to views of Congress is that the problem with the institution is the members themselves, not the political system. In assessing Congress, 55% of the public says they think the system can work fine, it’s the members that are the problem. Just 32% say they think most members have good intentions but the political system is broken. The balance of opinion is virtually identical across party lines.

Independents, who have expressed great frustration with Washington gridlock over the course of the past year, are particularly critical of the Republican Party. By a 54% to 30% margin they say the Republican Party, not the Democratic Party, is more extreme in its positions, and they are twice as likely to label the Republicans than the Democrats as the less honest and ethical party (42% vs. 21%).

Yet independents have few positive things to say about the Democratic Party either. Both parties’ leaders get poor approval ratings from independents (14% approve of GOP leaders in Congress, 23% of Democratic leaders). And when independents are asked which party can best handle the most important problem facing the nation, as many volunteer “neither” as say the Democrats or the Republicans.

As a result, entering the 2012 election cycle independents are expressing more hostility toward congressional incumbents than usual. For the first time in nearly twenty years of polling, more than seven in ten (73%) independents want most members of Congress replaced next year. And just 37% think their own member should be returned to office, while 43% say he or she should be voted out.

Views of Occupy Wall Street

The arguments and concerns of the Occupy Wall Street movement are supported by many Americans, but most continue to reject the core conclusion that America is divided into a nation of “haves” and “have-nots.” Moreover, while the Occupy Wall Street movement draws more support than opposition, its tactics are criticized, with far more saying they disapprove than approve of the way the protests have been carried out.

By a 44% to 35% margin, more Americans support than oppose the Occupy Wall Street movement overall, and by 48% to 30%, more say they agree than disagree with the concerns the protests have raised. But when it comes to the way the protests are being conducted, significantly more disapprove (49%) than approve (29%).

Many of the themes of the Occupy Wall Street protests resonate with the public. About half (51%) say that Wall Street hurts the American economy more than it helps it; 36% are of the view that Wall Street helps more than it hurts. A 61% majority say the economic system in this country unfairly favors the wealthy, while 36% say it is generally fair to most Americans. And fully 77% say that a few rich people and corporations have too much power in this country. While still a minority view, the current survey finds 40% saying that hard work and determination are no guarantee of success, higher than in any other survey conducted over the past 17 years.

But at the same time, most Americans (58%) continue to reject the notion that American society is divided into two groups, the “haves” and the “have-nots.” And when pressed to choose, more Americans describe themselves as part of the “haves” (46%) than the “have-nots” (39%).

Economic Outlook Remains Gloomy

Public assessments of the American economy remain gloomy – about nine-in-ten say the economy is in only fair (38%) or poor (53%) shape. Looking forward, most say things will either be the same (50%) or worse (18%) a year from now. These assessments remain unchanged from August despite the impression that economic news is less uniformly bad than it was over the summer. (See “Many Fewer Hearing Mostly Bad Economic News,” Dec. 7, 2011.)

About three-quarters (76%) see the size of the national debt as a major threat to the economic well being of the United States, the highest of five issues tested. A smaller majority (59%) sees economic competition from China as a major threat, and about as many (56%) say the same about the power of financial institutions and banks. Only about half (46%) say the economic problems in Europe pose a major threat to the U.S. economy, and 44% see government regulation of business as a major threat.

Most Important Problem

Most Americans (55%) continue to cite economic issues as the most important problem facing the country. But the percentage citing any economic issue has fallen 13 points since May, from 68%. At the same time, an increasing number cite problems with government, including dissatisfaction with government and politics, partisanship and lack of political leadership. Currently 15% mention a problem associated with government and politics, up from only 4% in May.

About one-in-five (21%) say that unemployment is the biggest problem facing the country, the top economic issue cited. About one-in-ten (9%) volunteer the debt or deficit, little changed since May (10%). Other economic issues, such as inequality (2%) and problems with Wall Street and banks (1%), receive very few mentions.

Nearly four-in-ten (38%) say the Democratic Party can do a better job of handling the issue they point to as the top national problem; 32% say the Republicans can better handle this problem. One-in-five (20%) say neither party can better handle the issue.

With much of the recent political focus on the ever-changing Republican presidential nomination race, Barack Obama’s job rating has improved modestly over the past month. And a majority of Americans continue to hold a favorable personal opinion of Obama. This is not the case for his main GOP rivals, whom he mostly bests in test election measures.

Currently, as many approve of Obama’s job performance as disapprove; from July through early October his job ratings were more negative than positive.

A majority of Americans (52%) still have a favorable personal impression of Obama, while 45% view him unfavorably. Among the leading GOP candidates, none is viewed favorably on balance. Slightly more have an unfavorable opinion of Mitt Romney (42%) than a favorable opinion (36%), and the balance of opinion toward Herman Cain, Newt Gingrich and Rick Perry is even more negative.

While Obama’s overall job rating has ticked up recently, few Americans (35%) approve of the way he is handling the economy. However, the percentage of Americans saying that they have heard mostly bad news about the economy has declined steadily over the past three months. Further, Obama gets more positive ratings for dealing with foreign policy (46% approve), and a resounding 75% approve of his decision to remove all combat troops from Iraq at year’s end.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Nov. 9-14 among 2,001 adults, including 1,576 registered voters, finds that Obama holds clear advantages over Cain, Gingrich and Perry in head-to-head matchups among registered voters. As was the case in October, however, Obama runs about even with Romney: 49% say they would vote for Obama or lean toward Obama while 47% support or lean toward Romney.

Obama continues to trail Romney by a wide margin among independent voters. Currently, 53% of independents favor Romney while just 41% support Obama. In matchups with other leading GOP candidates, Obama leads or runs about even.

The race for the GOP nomination continues to be fluid. About one-in-five Republican and Republican-leaning independent voters (23%) would like to see Romney win the nomination. In the current survey, about the same percentage (22%) favors Cain while 16% back Gingrich, double the percentage from October. Just 8% favor Perry, down from 17% about a month ago.

Cain’s support slipped slightly during the field period. In polling conducted Nov. 9-11, 25% of Republican and Republican-leaning voters supported the former business executive; that edged down to 18% during the latter half of the field period (Nov. 12-14).

Opinions about the truthfulness of allegations of sexual harassment against Cain have changed little since early November. Currently, 39% of registered voters say the allegations are true, compared with 26% who think they are false. Cain’s supporters overwhelmingly reject the allegations, while supporters of other candidates are more likely to say they are true.

Republican voters remain generally unimpressed with the quality of the GOP field. Only about half of Republican and Republican-leaning voters (48%) say the Republican candidates are excellent or good while nearly as many (46%) say they are only fair or poor. GOP voters’ ratings of the field have shown little improvement since May and are at least as low as ratings for Republican candidates at comparable points in the 2008 and 1996 campaigns.

The survey finds that Obama’s personal image remains positive and his overall job rating has drawn even, but his approval on the economy remains low. Moreover, just 35% say Obama is doing as much as he can to improve economic conditions, while 61% say he could be doing more. In March 2009, two months into Obama’s presidency, these numbers were virtually reversed (60% doing as much as he can, 30% could do more).

However, the public is hearing less negative news about the economy than it did just a month ago. The most recent Pew Research Center News Interest Index found that as many say they are hearing a mix of good and bad economic news as say the news has been mostly bad (48% each). In early October, 58% said they were hearing mostly negative news about the economy and in early August 67% said the economic news was mostly bad – the highest percentage in more than two years. (For more, see “Fewer Hearing Mostly Bad News about Economy,” Nov. 15, 2011).

While the race for the GOP nomination remains close, Romney is generally viewed as having the best chance to defeat Obama. Overall, 30% of all registered voters say that Romney has the best chance of beating Obama, while just 12% say that about Cain and even fewer say Gingrich (8%) or Perry (6%) has the best chance of winning. Among Republican and Republican-leaning voters, 30% think Romney has the best chance of beating Obama next fall, 18% say Cain, 13% Gingrich, and 6% Perry.

Romney and Cain, the current GOP front-runners, have distinctly different strengths and weaknesses in the eyes of Republican voters. Large majorities of Republican and Republican-leaning registered voters say Romney is well-qualified to be president (71%) and honest and trustworthy (65%). Only about half of Republican voters say these descriptions apply to Cain (50% honest and trustworthy, 49% well-qualified to be president).

By contrast, far more GOP voters say Cain is a strong conservative (64%) and that he takes consistent positions on issues (60%) than say these descriptions apply to Romney (53% and 47%, respectively).

The presidential race has overshadowed last-minute efforts by the congressional “super committee” to come up with substantial reductions in the budget deficit before the panel’s Nov. 23 deadline. Only about one-in-five Americans (21%) say they have heard a lot about the super committee, though another 40% say they have heard a little.

Among those who have heard at least a little about the super committee, there is broad support for compromise: 65% say lawmakers who share their views on the budget deficit should be willing to compromise, even if it results in a deal they disagree with; just 27% say the lawmakers who they agree with should stand by their principles, even if it means no progress is made.

In two previous showdowns over the debt and deficit – in April, amid threats of a government shutdown and July as a possible government default loomed – majorities also favored compromise. There continue to be wide partisan differences in views of compromise. Among those who have heard at least a little about the super committee, 74% of Democrats and 67% of independents support compromise, compared with 52% of Republicans.

Most of those who have heard about the super committee have a negative reaction to possible automatic cuts in spending, including both defense and domestic programs, that will be triggered if Congress fails to pass a deficit reduction plan. Democrats and independents generally view the automatic cuts as a bad idea, but Republicans are divided: 48% say they are a bad idea while nearly as many (46%) say they are a good idea.

Public support for a balanced approach to deficit reduction – both cuts in major programs and tax increases – has been consistent over the past year. Currently, 62% say the best way to reduce the federal budget deficit is through a combination of spending cuts and tax increases; just 17% say the focus should be mostly on program reductions and 8% say it should be mainly on tax increases. Republicans are less supportive of a balanced approach than are Democrats or independents. Even among Republicans, however, 53% favor a combination of spending cuts and tax increases. That compares with 71% of Democrats and 63% of independents.

In the last four national elections, generational differences have mattered more than they have in decades. According to the exit polls, younger people have voted substantially more Democratic than other age groups in each election since 2004, while older voters have cast more ballots for Republican candidates in each election since 2006.

The latest national polls suggest this pattern may well continue in 2012. Millennial generation voters are inclined to back Barack Obama for reelection by a wide margin in a matchup against Mitt Romney, the Republican candidate who has run the strongest against Obama in many polls. By contrast, Silent generation voters are solidly behind Romney.

In between the youngest and the oldest voters are the Baby Boom generation and Generation X. Both groups are less supportive of Obama than they were in 2008 and are now on the fence with respect to a second term for the president.

One of the largest factors driving the current generation gap is the arrival of diverse and Democratic-oriented Millennials. Shaped by the politics and conditions of the Bill Clinton and George W. Bush presidencies, this group holds liberal attitudes on most social and governmental issues.

In contrast, the Silent generation – whose members reached adulthood between the late 1940s and early 1960s and now make up over 80% of Americans age 65 and older – has held relatively conservative views on social issues and the role of government for most of their lives. Their growing unease, and even anger, about the direction of the country in recent years has moved them further toward the GOP, largely erasing the Democratic Party’s advantage in affiliation.

While the political divides between young and old are deep, there are potential fissures at both ends of the age spectrum. Millennials continue to support Obama at much higher levels than older generations. But Obama’s job ratings have fallen steeply among this group, as well as among older generations, since early 2009. Perhaps more ominously for Obama, Millennials are much less engaged in politics than they were at this stage in the 2008 campaign.

In contrast, Silents – particularly those who affiliate with or lean to the Republican Party – are far more engaged in the presidential campaign than they were at this point in the contest four years ago. While Silents support Romney over Obama by a wide margin, they express highly unfavorable views of both the GOP and the Democratic Party.

Silents prefer the Republican Party on most issues, with Social Security a notable exception. Silents are about evenly divided over whether the Democrats or the Republicans can better handle Social Security. If debate over Social Security and Medicare comes to the forefront, it raises potentially significant cross pressures for Silent generation voters, who rank Social Security among the top issues affecting their 2012 vote.

Growing racial and ethnic diversity, which is concentrated among younger generations, has benefited Democrats. Race and ethnicity are strongly associated with views about government, and in no small part account for some of the greater liberalism of the younger age groups and greater conservatism of older groups.

The polling finds that older generations – Boomers and especially Silents – do not fully embrace diversity. Fewer in these groups see the increasing populations of Latinos and Asians, as well as more racial intermarriage, as changes for the better. For many Silents in particular, Obama himself may represent an unwelcome indicator of the way the face of America has changed. Feelings of “unease” with Obama, along with higher levels of anger, are the emotions that most differentiate the attitudes of Silents from those of the youngest generation.

The nation’s ongoing economic difficulties have affected all generations. But Boomers and Gen Xers are far more likely than either Silents or Millennials to have little or no confidence they will have enough money to finance their retirement. And two-thirds of Boomers ages 50 to 61 who are still working expect to delay retirement because of current economic conditions.

These are the principal findings from two major national surveys exploring generational differences in political attitudes conducted by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press (Sept. 22-Oct. 4) and the Pew Research Center’s Social & Demographic Trends project (Sept. 1-15). Together, these surveys interviewed 4,413 adults. They have been supplemented with data from other polling over the course of the year and analyses of census data by Pew Social & Demographic Trends.

The study provides a detailed look at the current generational dynamics of American politics. Why are Silent generation voters so angry? How have the political leanings of Baby Boomers evolved? Is the Reagan-era Generation X moving closer to the Democratic column? Will Millennials be as engaged and enthused about Obama as they were in 2008? The answers lie in understanding the broad political, social and economic changes of the past decades and how they have shaped the political leanings of these generations over time.

A Closer Look at … Older Americans

The vast majority of Americans who are 65 and older are members of the Silent generation (ages 66 to 83). They came of age in the Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy years. Silents favored the Democrats at times during the 1990s, but in recent elections have strongly supported the Republicans. While they aligned more with the Democrats in the 1990s, they have become much more Republican in recent years. The Silent generation “replaced” the Greatest generation, who were more reliable Democratic voters when they constituted the bulk of the senior vote.

Silents increasingly call themselves conservative and they hold the most consistently conservative views about government, social issues and America’s place in the world. Unlike other generations that in recent years have become more supportive of smaller government, they have held conservative views about government for years.

Today, an overwhelming majority of Silents are either angry or frustrated with government. They are the generation that is most strongly disapproving of Barack Obama, for whom a majority did not vote. Silents also are the most politically energized generation, as they demonstrated in the 2010 midterms.

More often than the younger generations, Silents take the American exceptionalist view that the United States is the greatest nation in the world. But fewer older people than young people think that “America’s best days are ahead of us.”

The political discontent of the Silent generation is not economically based. A greater proportion of Silents than younger people say they are financially satisfied, and Silents are less likely to say they often do not have enough money to make ends meet.

Race is a factor in their political attitudes. Silents are the whitest of the generations and are the least accepting of the new face of America. Compared with younger generations, relatively few Silents see racial intermarriage and the growing population of immigrants as changes for the better.

As was the case in 2008, racial attitudes are associated with views of Obama and voting intentions. And while there is racial intolerance in all generations, it is more prevalent among older than younger age groups.

While Silent generation voters say they are solidly behind Obama’s Republican challengers, there are some signs of potential opportunity for the Democrats. Silents cite Social Security as often as they name jobs as their top voting issue. And while seniors tend to favor the Republican Party on most issues, they are as likely to favor the Democrats as Republicans on Social Security.

Young People

Millennials, who are 18 to 30, have voted more Democratic than older voters in the last four national elections. They came of age in the Clinton and Bush eras, and hold liberal attitudes on most social and governmental issues, as well as America’s approach to foreign policy.

Just as members of the Silent generation are long-term backers of smaller government, Millennials, at least so far, hold “baked in” support for a more activist government.

Millennials have come of age professing an allegiance to the Democratic Party and profoundly little identification with the GOP. Today, half of Millennials (50%) think of themselves as Democrats or Democratic-leaning independents while just 36% affiliate with or lean toward the GOP.

Although they back Barack Obama for reelection by a wide margin in matchups against both Mitt Romney and Rick Perry, just 49% approve of his job performance, down 24 points since February 2009.

Millennials are a racially and ethnically diverse generation. Only 59% of Millennials are white non-Hispanic. They are well acquainted with changing face of America and overwhelmingly think these changes are good for the country.

The racial gap also helps explain the greater liberalism of Millennials when compared with older generations. The racial factor, however, mutes rather than explains away the ideological and partisan gaps between Millennials and older voters. For example, while 57% of all Millennials favor a bigger government with more services, just 44% of white Millennials do. But only about a quarter of whites in older generations (27%) support an activist government.

Similarly, while 61% of all Millennials back Obama in a matchup against Romney, only 49% of white Millennials do. But this compares to 37% of older whites who back the president.

For more on Millennials, see Millennials: Confident. Connected. Open to Change, Feb. 24, 2010.

Middle-Aged Americans

Baby Boomers (ages 47 to 65) are the largest generation. They came of age under presidents Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter and Reagan.
Boomers had very little allegiance to the GOP during the 1960s and 70s, but were increasingly drawn to the Republican Party starting in the 1980s. Since then, they have tilted to the Democratic Party.

Historically, there has been an age gap within the Baby Boom generation. Older Boomers, who cast their first ballots in the Nixon elections of 1968 and 1972, have voted more Democratic than have younger Boomers who came of age under Ford, Carter and Reagan. In 2008, for example, Obama performed better among older Boomers (currently 56 to 65) than younger Boomers (47 to 55).

Boomers supported Republican candidates in 2010. Currently, they are almost as disillusioned with Obama as are Silents, yet are divided in a matchup between Obama and Romney.

In recent years, more Boomers have come to call themselves conservatives. A majority of Boomers now favors a smaller government that provides fewer services. When they were in their 20s and 3os, Boomers were more supportive of big government. Today, almost as many Boomers as Silents say they are angry with government.

Boomers’ current attitudes bear little imprint from coming of age in an era of great social change. On most social issues, their opinions generally fall between the Silents and the younger age cohorts. And many Boomers express reservations about the changing face of America.

Like younger generations, many Boomers say they are dissatisfied with their financial situation and their anxieties about retirement have increased. In a survey conducted last year, a majority of Boomers (54%) said they were in worse shape financially than they were before the recession. Today, 38% say they are not confident that they will have enough income and assets to last through their retirement years.

Like other generations, Boomers oppose cutting entitlement benefits in order to reduce the budget deficit. They are also part of a multi-generational majority that supports reducing Social Security and Medicare benefits for seniors with higher incomes. However, unlike Silents, Boomers oppose raising the eligibility age for Social Security and Medicare.

Generation X, ages 31 to 46, is the in-between generation. They represent the dividing line on many issues between young and old, but they are not as Democratic and liberal as the younger Millennial generation.

Gen Xers mostly came of age politically in the Reagan, George H.W. Bush and Clinton years. In the 1990s, they divided their loyalties between the parties. In 2000, they split their votes between George W. Bush and Al Gore; they narrowly supported Bush in 2004 and favored Obama by clear margin in 2008.

Gen Xers are less supportive of larger government than they once were. And along with other generations, their views of Obama have become more negative. Gen Xers supported GOP candidates by a small margin in 2010. Currently, as many Gen Xers favor Romney as Obama.

On a range of social issues Gen Xers take a more liberal position than do older voters. Gen Xers are more likely than both Boomers and Silents to favor gay marriage and marijuana legalization, and Gen Xers are far more comfortable with the social diversity of 21st century America.

As with Millennials and Boomers, jobs are the number one voting issue for Gen Xers. And they are increasingly anxious over their financial futures. Fully 46% say they are not confident that they will have enough income and assets to last through their retirement years – the highest percentage in any generation.

Entitlements: Agreement on Principles, Not Policies

The poll finds a fair amount generational agreement on entitlement issues. Majorities across generations say that the federal government does too little for older people. And there is broad agreement that it is more important to maintain current retirement benefits than to reduce the budget deficit, though that view is more widely shared among older than younger generations.

But wide generation gaps exist with respect to a number of proposed reforms to the retirement programs. Silents are lukewarm toward allowing younger workers to invest their Social Security taxes in private accounts and using their Medicare benefits to purchase private insurance. Millennials, in particular, enthusiastically embrace these proposed changes.

Moreover, Silents are more supportive than are younger generations of gradually raising the retirement age for receiving Social Security and Medicare benefits. Roughly half of Silents favor raising the retirement age for these programs; no more than four-in-ten in younger generations agree.

Generational Voting in Red and Blue

One way to look at the political leanings of generations is to sort people by the political environment when they became politically engaged. For example, not so long ago, voters 65 and older were predominantly members of the Greatest generation, most of whom came of age during FDR’s presidency and were fairly reliable supporters of Democrats even into their later years.

As recently as 2004, members of the Greatest generation supported John Kerry by a greater margin than did all voters in that election.

As the Greatest generation has mostly passed from the scene, members of the Silent generation – most of whom came of age politically during the Truman and Eisenhower presidencies – have come to make up an increasing share of voters 65 and older. They have long voted less Democratic than the Greatest generation; in both 2008 and 2010, both Truman- and Eisenhower-era Silents voted more Republican than average.

The Baby Boom is a long generation, spanning many presidencies. The oldest, who turned 18 when LBJ was president, have mostly voted with the national electorate in recent years, though they voted more Republican than average in 2008. Those Boomers who came of age when Nixon was president retained a Democratic leaning, although they have voted with the overall electorate since 2006. The youngest Boomers, who mostly came of age in the Ford and Carter years, have been one of the most reliable Republican voting groups.

Internal divisions within Generation X are even more notable. The older portion of Generation X who came of age during the Reagan and George H.W. Bush presidencies, have voted more Republican than the electorate. In contrast, younger Xers, who became active politically during the Clinton administration, have mostly voted more Democratic than average. Millennials largely came of age during George W. Bush’s presidency and have consistently voted more Democratic by large margins.

Best President in Your Lifetime?

When asked which president has done the best job in their lifetime, more respondents name Bill Clinton and Ronald Reagan than any other presidents. Sizeable numbers in each of the four generational groups, including majorities of Millennials and Gen Xers, cite Clinton as either their first or second choice as the best president. Reagan matches Clinton in mentions among Baby Boomers and members of the Silent generation.

Despite the fact that many of them were quite young during Clinton’s years in office, nearly half (48%) of Millennials say Bill Clinton did the best job of any president in their lifetime. Another 12% cite him as second best. Fewer Millennials (37%) cite Obama as best or second-best. Relatively few (22%) say that George W. Bush was a favorite.

A majority of Xers also named Clinton as best (38%) or second-best (18%), while 43% cite Reagan (34% as best, 9% as second-best). Just 23% of Xers say that Obama is the best or second best president of their lifetimes; 18% cite George H. W. Bush and 14% cite George W. Bush.

Baby Boomers divide their loyalties about evenly between Clinton and Reagan, with 45% citing Reagan in either first (33%) or second (12%) place. About as many name Clinton as the best president (27%) or second-best (15%). About a quarter of Boomers (26%) cite John F. Kennedy.

Only among the Silent generation do presidents in office before Kennedy receive a significant number of mentions. But even among this older group, Clinton and Reagan are essentially tied for the top positions. Reagan is cited by 36% and Clinton by 35% as best or second-best. Kennedy is mentioned by 29%, Dwight D. Eisenhower by 17%, and Harry S Truman and Franklin D. Roosevelt are named by 11% and 12%, respectively.