The public paid limited attention to last week’s congressional hearings on Benghazi. Fewer than half (44%) of Americans say they are following the hearings very or fairly closely, virtually unchanged from late January when Hillary Clinton testified. Last October, 61% said they were following the early stages of the investigation at least fairly closely.

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted May 9-12 among 1,000 adults, finds that Americans are deeply split over how both the administration and congressional Republicans are handling the situation. Four-in-ten (40%) say the Obama administration has generally been dishonest when it comes to providing information about the Benghazi attack, but 37% say they have been generally honest. And when it comes to the GOP-led investigation, 36% say Republicans have gone too far in the hearings, while 34% say they have handled them appropriately.

Not surprisingly, these reactions divide cleanly along partisan lines. Among Republicans, 70% say the Obama administration has been dishonest and 65% say the hearings have been handled appropriately. Among Democrats, 60% say the hearings have gone too far, and 62% say the administration has been honest.

The judgment of independents leans against the administration at this point: By a 48% to 30% margin independents say the administration has been generally dishonest. But independents are split when it comes to Republican handling of the hearings.

Republicans are twice as likely as Democrats (36% vs. 18%) to be following news about the Benghazi hearings very closely. This mirrors earlier measures of interest in the Benghazi situation dating back to last year. Republicans also are critical of what they see as insufficient press attention to the issue: 51% of Republicans say that news organizations have been giving too little coverage to the Benghazi hearings, compared with 26% of Democrats and 33% of independents.

About half (56%) of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents say they regularly watch the Fox News Channel, and this group is particularly frustrated over the Benghazi situation. Fully 79% of Republicans who regularly watch Fox News say the Obama administration has been dishonest, compared with 60% of Republicans who don’t watch Fox regularly. Nearly half (46%) of Republicans who regularly watch Fox News say they are following the story very closely – compared with 23% among other Republicans. Those who regularly watch Fox News are also far more critical of the news media: 59% say the hearings have not received sufficient coverage by the news media.

Broad Public Interest in Rescue of Cleveland Women

News about the rescue of three women who had been held captive in a Cleveland home was far and away the public’s top story last week. Four-in-ten (40%) say they followed the story very closely, more than followed reports about the condition of the U.S. economy (28% very closely) or news about the Benghazi hearings (23% very closely).

Interest in the rescue of the Cleveland women is higher than for the discovery of Jaycee Dugard, in August of 2009; at that time, 27% said they were very closely following news about Dugard, following her reappearance more than 18 years after having gone missing. Women (45%) are more likely than men (35%) to say they are very closely following news about the rescue of the women in Cleveland.

Amidst high public interest in the story, 61% say news organizations have given the right amount of coverage to the Cleveland rescue; fewer than a quarter (21%) say there has been too much new coverage and 10% say there has been too little.

News about the immigration debate in Washington (20% very closely) and political violence in Syria (17%) garnered modest levels of public attention. In 2013, Pew Research surveys have measured interest in the debate over immigration five times, with very close interest climbing no higher than 23% in early April.

Americans overwhelmingly say the nation’s immigration policy is in need of sweeping changes. Overall, 75% say immigration policy needs at least major changes, with 35% saying it needs to be “completely rebuilt”—among the highest of seven policy areas tested.

Yet the broad public agreement that immigration policy should be revamped is not matched by consensus on how to deal with illegal and legal immigration.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted May 1-5 among 1,504 adults, finds that 73% say there should be a way for illegal immigrants already in the United States who meet certain requirements to stay here. But fewer than half (44%) favor allowing those here illegally to apply for U.S. citizenship, while 25% think permanent legal status is more appropriate.

These views are virtually unchanged from March, suggesting that last month’s bombings at the Boston Marathon have had little effect on overall public opinion on this issue. In a survey released last week, 58% said that the Boston attack and the immigration debate are mostly separate issues, while 36% said the attack should be an important part of the debate on the immigration bill.

When it comes to legal immigration, relatively few (31%) see current levels as satisfactory, but there is no consensus as to whether the level of legal immigration should be decreased (36%) or increased (25%)

Meanwhile, securing U.S. borders looms over the debate: 53% of Americans say there is a lot more that the government can be doing to reduce illegal immigration at U.S. borders. Just 13% believe there is little or nothing more the government can do to tighten border security.

Majorities across all demographic and political groups think there is more the government can do to secure the borders, but there are ideological differences over how much: 68% of conservative Republicans say the government can do a lot more on border security, compared with just 37% of liberal Democrats.

While most Americans see immigration policy in need of major changes, last week’s survey found that the public has yet to fully engage with the congressional debate over immigration legislation. About one-in-five (19%) are following the immigration debate very closely. Only about half (46%) know that the immigration bill before Congress would allow people currently in the United States illegally to stay here while applying for citizenship; even fewer (37%) know the bill was introduced by a bipartisan group of senators. And nearly four-in-ten (38%) have no opinion about the immigration legislation before Congress, while 33% favor it and 28% are opposed.

Policies in Several Areas Seen as in Need of Major Changes

Three-quarters of Americans (75%) say that immigration policy either needs to be completely rebuilt or needs major changes. Just 21% say immigration policy works pretty well and needs only minor changes.

Nearly as many (72%) say the nation’s tax system is in need of a complete overhaul or major changes. Majorities also say that the education system (66%), the health care system (64%), the Medicare system (58%) and the Social Security system (54%) should be completely rebuilt or undergo major changes. Fewer (44%) say the Homeland Security system needs a major overhaul.

While there are partisan differences in views of specific policies toward immigration, taxes and other issues, Republicans and Democrats are more in sync when it comes to the need for changes to major polices and national systems. Nearly eight-in-ten Republicans (79%) say that immigration policy should be completely rebuilt or undergo major changes; 76% of independents and 72% of Democrats agree.

Large Majority Say Those in U.S. Illegally Should Be Allowed to Stay

Overall patterns in opinions about how to deal with those in the United States illegally have changed little since late March. (For a full demographic breakdown, see “Most Say Illegal Immigrants Should be Allowed to Stay, But Citizenship Is More Divisive,” March 28, 2013.)

There are partisan and ideological differences in these opinions: While 63% of conservative Republicans favor providing legal status for those in the United States illegally if they meet certain requirements, just 37% say they should be allowed to apply for citizenship. Nearly a quarter of conservative Republicans (23%) say people in the U.S. illegally should be allowed to apply for permanent residency, but not citizenship.

More than eight-in-ten liberal Democrats (85%) favor letting those in the U.S. illegally stay legally. By nearly three-to-one (62% to 22%), liberal Democrats say that those here illegally should be allowed to seek citizenship rather than permanent residency.

Most Don’t Think Legal Status Would “Reward” Those Here Illegally

A majority of Americans (56%) do not feel that giving people in the United States illegally a way to gain legal status would be like rewarding them for doing something wrong. About four-in-ten (37%) say giving them a way to obtain legal status would be tacitly rewarding wrongdoing.

Most Democrats (64%) and independents (58%) say that giving those in the U.S. illegally a way to gain legal status would not amount to a reward for bad behavior. Republicans are divided: 49% say it would be like rewarding them for wrongdoing, while 44% disagree.

As might be expected, those who favor finding a way for those in the U.S. illegally to stay in the country legally do not view a path to legal status as a reward for wrongdoing (by 67% to 27%). By nearly an identical margin (69% to 26%), those who oppose legal status for those here illegally do see it as a tacit reward for wrongdoing.

Half Think the Government Can Do a Lot More to Secure Borders

About half of Americans (53%) say the government can do a lot more to reduce illegal immigration at U.S. borders, while 30% say there is somewhat more the government can do. Just 13% say there is little or nothing more the government can do to reduce illegal immigration at the borders.

Majorities or pluralities across most groups say the government could doing a lot more to tighten border security. Republicans (64%) are more likely to express this view than are independents (53%) or Democrats (45%).

In February, 47% said the priority for dealing with illegal immigration should be to improve border security and strengthen law enforcement, as well as to create a path to citizenship. Fewer said the priority should be just border security and stricter law enforcement or just a path to citizenship (25% each).

Views of Legal Immigration

When asked about the optimal level of legal immigration to the United States, 36% say it should be decreased, 31% say it should be kept at its current level, and 25% say it should be increased.

These views are modestly changed from March 2006, before the last major congressional debate on immigration. At that time, 40% said legal immigration should be decreased, 37% said it should be kept at its current level and 17% favored increasing legal immigration.

Hispanics are divided in views of legal immigration: Approximately equal percentages say it should be decreased (32%), kept at its present level (29%) and increased (28%). A plurality of whites (39%) favor decreasing the level of legal immigration, while just 22% say it should be increased and 32% say it should be kept at its current level.

Democrats are split over the appropriate level of legal immigration. Meanwhile, more Republicans favor cutting back on legal immigration than increasing it (41% to 20%), while 33% favor maintaining the status quo.

President Obama continues to hold a substantial advantage over congressional Republicans in public regard. Obama’s job approval is back in positive territory at 51%, after slipping to 47% in March. By comparison, just 22% approve of the job Republican leaders in Congress are doing, among the lowest approval rating for congressional leaders from either party in 20 years.

Furthermore, a record-high 80% say Obama and Republican leaders are not working together to address important issues facing the country, and by nearly two-to-one (42%-22%) more blame Republican leaders than Obama for the gridlock.

Despite GOP leaders’ poor job ratings, the Republican Party runs about even with the Democrats on leading issues such as the economy, immigration and gun control. Overall, 42% say the Republican Party could do the better job dealing with the economy, while 38% say the Democratic Party. The public is similarly divided over which party could better handle gun control policy and immigration policy.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted May 1-5 among 1,504 adults, finds that Republicans have particularly low regard for their party’s congressional leaders. Just 42% approve of the job GOP leaders in Congress are doing, while 51% disapprove. This is far below the job ratings that Democrats give their party’s leaders (60% approve, 32% disapprove).

Despite their frustration with the party’s leadership, Republicans overwhelmingly say the GOP could do a better job than the Democratic Party when it comes to issues like the economy, immigration and gun control. By comparison, fewer Democrats side with their party on the economy and gun control, which is one reason why Republicans run even with the Democrats overall. On each of these three issues, independents are split as to whether the Republican Party or the Democratic Party could do better.

As Obama works toward advancing his second-term agenda, the public is divided over whether he is someone who is able to get things done (49%) or not (46%). Views of Obama’s effectiveness have declined since shortly after his re-election, when more saw him as effective (57%) than did not (37%).

While the public offers mixed views of Obama’s effectiveness in a gridlocked political environment, most say he fights hard to get his policies passed (67%) and 76% describe him as someone who stands up for what he believes in. Both impressions hold with majorities of Republicans, Democrats and independents. Views of his leadership and effectiveness, by contrast, are highly polarized.

Views of Obama, Congressional Leaders

At 51%, Barack Obama’s overall job approval rating has edged back up from a recent low of 47% in mid-March. But it still trails his 55% approval rating in early December, a month after his re-election victory.

Ratings of Republican leaders in Congress remain near all-time lows. By about three-to-one, more disapprove (68%) than approve (22%) of the job GOP leaders in Congress are doing. Republican leaders’ job approval has changed little since December of last year (25%).

Democratic leaders are viewed only somewhat more positively. Overall, 32% approve of the job Democratic leaders in Congress are doing, while 59% disapprove. In December, 40% approved of the job performance of Democratic leaders.

Republicans express mixed views of the job performance of their party’s congressional leaders: 42% approve, while 51% disapprove. By contrast, almost twice as many Democrats approve as disapprove of the job of Democratic congressional leaders (60% vs. 32%).

Independents continue to take a dim view of the job performance of both parties’ congressional leaders: Just 23% approve of Democratic leaders’ job performance while 18% give GOP leaders a positive job rating.

Parties Run Even on Key Issues

The Republican Party runs about even with the Democratic Party on three key issues: the economy, immigration and gun control. In recent years, neither political party has held a decisive advantage on these issues. The Democratic Party led on the economy through much of George W. Bush’s second term and Obama’s first year in office. But since 2010, about as many have favored the GOP as the Democrats.

Similarly, neither party has had a consistent advantage on dealing with immigration. The current survey finds opinion split evenly; Democrats held a slim advantage in late 2012, while Republicans held a slight edge in 2011.

And while the gun debate has drawn significant public attention over the past four months (see: Gun Debate Draws More Interest than Immigration Policy Debate, released April 8, 2013), it has not resulted in an advantage for either political party. In the immediate wake of the shootings in Newtown, Conn., Americans were divided over which party could better address gun control, and that divide persists today.

Independents are split over which party can do the better job on key issues. Overall, 38% of independents say the Republican Party could do the better job on the economy while nearly as many (35%) say the Democratic Party. Similarly, independents are divided over who can better address immigration (36% say each party) and gun control (41% Republican Party, 35% Democratic Party). On all three issues, about a quarter of independents volunteer no preference between the two parties.

Eight-in-ten Republicans (79%) say the GOP could do the better job dealing with the economy, while just 9% say the Democratic Party. Fewer Democrats (65%) say their party could do better on the economy, while 22% say the GOP could do better.

Similarly, while 76% of Republicans say the Republican Party better reflects their views on gun control, 66% of Democrats choose the Democratic Party. On dealing with immigration, 69% of Republicans prefer the GOP while about as many Democrats (63%) say the Democratic Party could do better.

Eight-in-Ten Say Obama, GOP Leaders Not Working Together

The percentage saying that Obama and Republican leaders are not working together has risen steadily during Obama’s presidency. Currently, 80% say the two sides are not working together, up from 65% in February 2011 (shortly after Republicans won control of the House) and just 45% in early 2009.

By nearly two-to-one, those who see a lack of cooperation are more likely to blame Republican leaders in Congress (42%) than Obama (22%) for the gridlock. The percentage blaming Republicans is up 11 points since February 2011, while the percentage blaming Obama is little changed over that time period.

Republicans and Democrats are about equally likely to say that GOP leaders and Obama are not cooperating, but Republicans are more likely to say their own party is at least partly to blame for gridlock than are Democrats.

Overall, 53% of Republicans blame Obama for the lack of cooperation in Washington. However, 28% say either that GOP leaders (12%) or both Republican leaders and Obama (17%) are to blame for not working together on important issues.

Democrats are less likely to see any blame on their side of the aisle. Seven-in-ten (70%) blame GOP leaders for the gridlock in Washington, while just 7% say either that Obama is most to blame (4%) or volunteer that both parties are to blame (3%).

Independents are much more likely to say that Republican leaders are to blame for the lack of cooperation in Washington (39%) than Obama (20%); 17% volunteer that both are to blame.

Majorities Say Obama Stands up for Beliefs, Fights for Policies

Following the failure of gun control legislation backed by the Obama administration, most continue to say that Obama stands up for what he believes in (76%) and that he fights hard to get his policies passed (67%). Most also say that Obama is a strong leader (56%); 40% say he is not a strong leader.

However, the percentage saying that Obama is able to get things done has edged down since shortly after Obama’s second inauguration. In the current survey, about as many say Obama is able to get things done (49%) as not able to get things done (46%). In January, Obama was viewed as able to get things done by a 57%-37% margin.

Majorities of Republicans, Democrats and independents agree that Obama stands up for what he believes in and fights hard to get his policies passed. There is far less partisan agreement over Obama’s leadership ability and effectiveness.

Just 18% of Republicans view Obama as a strong leader and an identical percentage say he is able to get things done. Fully 86% of Democrats say Obama is a strong leader and 74% say he is able to get things done.

By a 56%-41% margin, more independents say Obama is a strong leader than not. However, independents are divided over whether Obama is able to get things done (46%) or not (49%).

Views of Obama Similar to Bush at Comparable Point

Impressions of Obama’s leadership and effectiveness are similar to those of George W. Bush at comparable points in their presidencies.

Currently, 56% say Obama is a strong leader, while 41% say he is not a strong leader. Public views of Bush’s leadership were nearly the same in July 2005, in the first year of his second term (55% strong leader, 41% not).

Bush also got about the same rating for his ability to get things done as Obama does today (50% vs. 49% for Obama). Bill Clinton received more positive ratings for effectiveness than either Obama or Bush in the first year of his second term; in August 1997, 64% said Clinton was able to get things done.

More Approve than Disapprove of Obama’s Job Performance

Overall, 51% approve of the job Obama is doing as president, while 43% disapprove. Obama’s job ratings have ticked up since March (47% approve, 46% disapprove), but remain less positive than they were in December, immediately following his re-election (55% approve, 39% disapprove).

Among independents, 48% approve of the job Obama is doing while 45% disapprove. Democrats overwhelmingly approve of Obama’s job performance (85% approve vs. 9% disapprove), while Republicans disapprove by a similar margin (85% disapprove vs. 12% approve).

The public’s views of whether Islam is more likely than other religions to encourage violence have changed little in the aftermath of the Boston Marathon bombings.

Currently, 42% say Islam is more likely than other religions to encourage violence among its believers, while 46% say Islam does not encourage violence more than other religions.

These are similar to opinions about Islam and violence for most of the past decade. But in March 2002, six months after the 9/11 attacks, just 25% said Islam was more likely to encourage violence while 51% disagreed.

The new national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted May 1-5 among 1,504 adults, finds sizable demographic and religious differences in attitudes toward Islam and violence. And the partisan gap is as large as ever: 62% of Republicans say that Islam encourages violence more than other religions, compared with 39% of independents and just 29% of Democrats.

The survey also finds that Muslim Americans are seen as facing more discrimination than some other groups in society, including gays and lesbians, Hispanic Americans, African Americans and women.

Overall, 45% say that Muslim Americans face a lot of discrimination, and 28% say they are subject to some discrimination. Only about one-in-five say that Muslim Americans face only a little (13%) or no discrimination (6%).

About four-in-ten (39%) say that gays and lesbians face a lot of discrimination. Smaller percentages say that Hispanic Americans (25%), African Americans (22%) and women (15%) face a lot of discrimination.

Opinions about Islam and Violence

Most young people continue to reject the idea that Islam is more likely than other religions to encourage violence among its believers. Six-in-ten (60%) of those younger than 30 say Islam does not encourage violence more than other religions, as do 54% of those 30 to 49. By contrast, about half of those 50 to 64 (51%) and 65 and older (53%) say that Islam is more likely to encourage violence.

There also are gender differences in these opinions: By 48% to 39%, men say Islam is more likely than other religions to encourage violence; women, by 52% to 35%, disagree.

The wide partisan differences in these opinions are even starker among ideological groups: Fully 69% of conservative Republicans say Islam encourages violence more than other religions. About the same percentage of liberal Democrats (71%) say that Islam is no more likely than other religions to encourage violence.

Among religious groups, most white evangelical Protestants (63%) say that Islam is more likely than other religions to encourage violence. White Catholics are divided (43% more likely, 43% not more likely).

By 53% to 40%, white mainline Protestants say Islam does not encourage violence more than other religions. The balance of opinion is similar among the religiously unaffiliated (54% to 35%).

Views of Discrimination against Muslim Americans, Other Groups

There are sizable partisan differences in views of discrimination against Muslim Americans and other groups included in the survey. Nearly twice as many Democrats (57%) as Republicans (29%) say Muslim Americans face a lot of discrimination. About half of independents (47%) say the same.

Democrats also are more likely than Republicans to see a lot of discrimination against Hispanics (by 23 points), African Americans (22 points), gays and lesbians (19 points) and women (11 points).

Age also is a factor in these opinions: About half of those under 30 (51%) and 30-49 (49%) say there is a lot of discrimination against Muslim Americans. That compares with 42% of those 50-64 and just 35% of those 65 and older.

There also are substantial differences between the youngest and oldest age groups in perceptions of discrimination against gays and lesbians: 51% of those younger than 30 think there is a lot of discrimination against gays and lesbians, compared with 28% of those 65 and older.

Notably, blacks, whites and Hispanics are all about equally likely to say there is a great deal of discrimination against Muslim Americans (47% of blacks and Hispanics and 45% of whites). When it comes to perceptions of discrimination against blacks and Hispanics, however, the differences are much greater. Nearly half of blacks (46%) say there is a lot of discrimination against African Americans, compared with a quarter of Hispanics (25%) and 16% of whites.

About four-in-ten blacks (43%) and Hispanics (38%) say there is a lot of discrimination against Hispanic Americans, compared with 20% of whites.

Notably, blacks are about as likely to say there is a lot of discrimination against Muslim Americans (47%) and Hispanic Americans (43%) as against African Americans (46%). Far more whites see a lot of discrimination against Muslim Americans than either Hispanic Americans (20%) or African Americans (16%).

As Congress debates a bill to overhaul the nation’s immigration policy, much of the public has yet to form an opinion about the legislation. About as many say they favor (33%) as oppose (28%) the immigration bill before Congress, but fully 38% say they don’t know what they think of the legislation.

At this early stage of debate, the public does not think the bill would have a major impact on the nation’s economy or security. About half say either that the immigration bill would not make much of a difference for the economy (35%) or that they don’t know how the bill would affect the economy (17%). An even greater percentage says the bill would have no impact on the country’s safety from terrorism (57%) or that they don’t know how the country’s security would be affected (16%).

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted April 25-28 among 1,003 adults, finds that most do not think the Boston Marathon bombings should be an important factor in the debate over immigration legislation. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) say the Boston attack and the immigration debate are mostly separate issues, while 36% say the attack should be an important factor in the debate.

Overall, the debate over immigration policy has drawn little public attention. Just 19% say they are following the story very closely. And most Americans are unaware of some of the legislation’s visible aspects.

Fewer than half (46%) know that the bill would allow unauthorized immigrants to stay in the country while applying for citizenship. And just 37% know that it was introduced by a bipartisan group of senators.

Views of Immigration Bill

Twice as many Democrats favor (44%) as oppose (22%) the immigration bill currently being debated in Congress, while 33% do not offer an opinion. Republicans are divided with 30% in favor, 34% opposed and 36% not offering an opinion. Independents also are split (28% favor, 31% oppose, 40% don’t know).

Notably, independents who lean to the Republican Party express more opposition to the bill than do self-identified Republicans. About half of Republican-leaning independents (51%) oppose the immigration bill while just 19% favor it.

College graduates support the immigration bill by roughly two-to-one (44% to 21%). Those with lower levels of education are divided over the legislation.

Blacks offer more support (42%) than opposition (22%) to the bill, while 36% offer no opinion. By contrast, whites are divided: 28% favor the proposal, 31% oppose it and 41% do not offer an opinion.

Immigration Bill Seen as Having Limited Impact

The public does not think the immigration bill before Congress would have a major impact on the economy or the country’s safety from terrorism.

When asked how the immigration bill would impact the U.S. economy, as many say it would help the economy (24%) as hurt the economy (23%). A 35% plurality says the bill wouldn’t make much difference for the economy and 17% do not offer an opinion.

In addition, 57% do not think the bill would have an effect on the country’s safety from terrorism. Those who see a potential impact are divided over whether the bill would make the country safer (14%) or less safe (13%); 16% do not offer an opinion.

There are modest partisan differences in these opinions. Overall, somewhat more Democrats say the bill would help (33%) rather than hurt (18%) the U.S. economy, while about a third (34%) say it wouldn’t make much difference. About as many Republicans say the bill would hurt (25%) as help (21%) the economy, while 36% say it wouldn’t make much difference. Independents’ views are similar to those of Republicans.

Republicans are more likely than Democrats to say that the immigration bill would make the country less safe from terrorism (20% vs. 8%). But a plurality of Republicans (46%), and majorities of Democrats (62%) and independents (61%), say the bill wouldn’t have much of an effect on the country’s safety from terrorism.

Boston Attack, Immigration Debate Seen as Separate Issues

While there has been discussion in Washington about whether the terrorist attack at the Boston Marathon should impact the debate over immigration, a majority of the public sees the two as separate issues. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) say the bombings and debate over the immigration bill are mostly separate issues, while 36% say the Boston bombings should be an important factor in the debate.

Most independents (62%) and Democrats (59%) see the Boston bombings and immigration debate as separate. Republicans are somewhat more divided: 50% say they are separate issues, 46% say the bombings should be an important factor in the immigration debate.

Most Don’t Know Key Facts about Bill

Most Americans don’t know that the immigration bill before Congress was introduced by a group of Republican and Democratic senators or that the bill stipulates that unauthorized immigrants be allowed to stay in the country while applying for citizenship.

About four-in-ten (37%) correctly say that the bill was introduced by a mix of Republican and Democratic senators; 47% volunteer that they don’t know who introduced the bill, while 9% say it was introduced by a group of Democrats and 7% say it was introduced by a group of Republicans.

Only somewhat more (46%) know that the bill allows unauthorized immigrants to stay in the country while applying for citizenship, 16% think unauthorized immigrants must return to their home country before applying and 37% don’t know.

Just 24% of the public correctly answered both knowledge questions, 35% got one question correct while 41% answered neither question correctly.

Support for Bill among Knowledgeable

People who are relatively knowledgeable about the immigration bill – those able to answer both questions correctly – favor the legislation by 50% to 33%. Those less knowledgeable are more evenly divided.

Among those getting only one knowledge question correct, about as many favor (36%) as oppose (33%) the legislation with 31% not offering an opinion. A majority (57%) of those unable to answer either knowledge question have no opinion of the bill; 21% favor the legislation, while 22% oppose it.

The partisan differences in views of the immigration bill are wider among those who are aware that the bill allows unauthorized immigrants to stay in the U.S while applying for citizenship.

Republicans who know that the bill allows unauthorized immigrants to stay in the U.S. oppose the legislation by nearly two-to-one (52% to 27%). By contrast, Democrats who know this support the bill by three-to-one (60% to 18%).

Democrats who know the bill was introduced by a bipartisan group of senators also favor the bill by a wide margin (63% to 18%). But Republicans who know the legislation was sponsored by a group of Republicans and Democrats are divided (35% favor vs. 42% oppose).

By a 45% to 31% margin, more Americans favor than oppose the U.S. and its allies taking military action against Syria, if it is confirmed that Syria used chemical weapons against anti-government groups.

Public interest in the Syrian conflict remains low, and nearly a quarter of Americans (23%) have no opinion about the use of military force in Syria.

Nonetheless, the new survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted April 25-28 among 1,003 adults, finds more public willingness to consider the use of force in Syria than did previous surveys that made no mention of the Syrian government’s alleged use of chemical weapons. In December, just 27% then said the U.S. had a responsibility to do something about fighting between the Syrian government and anti-government groups.

The survey finds that just 18% followed news about the charges that Syria used chemical weapons against anti-government groups very closely, which is little changed from interest in the Syrian conflict over the past two years.

Those who tracked news about the chemical weapons charges very closely favor the U.S. and its allies taking military action against Syria by nearly two-to-one (55% to 28%). Among those who followed Syrian news less closely, 44% favor the use of military force while 32% are opposed.

By 56% to 24%, Republicans favor the use of military force against Syria if the charges that it used chemical weapons are proven. There is less support among Democrats (46% favor vs. 34% oppose) and independents (41% favor vs. 36% oppose).

Little Interest in Syria News

Since the Syrian conflict began in 2011, it has never drawn much attention from the U.S. public. At most, only about one-in-five have tracked developments in Syria very closely.

The new survey, which asked specifically about allegations that the Syrian government used chemical weapons against anti-government groups, finds that 18% say they followed this news very closely while 25% followed it fairly closely. A majority followed the chemical weapons charges not too closely (24%) or not at all closely (33%).

Other recent news stories have drawn far more public interest. A week ago, 63% say they followed news about the bombings at the Boston Marathon very closely; this week, 49% paid very close attention to the investigation into the bombings. Other domestic news stories over the past two months, including the debate over gun control (39% followed very closely), news about the economy (35%) and the budget sequester (31%) also attracted more interest than news about Syria.

Among recent foreign news stories, North Korea’s recent nuclear threats against the U.S. drew twice as much interest as charges that Syria used chemical weapons (36% vs. 18%). However, the percentage paying very close attention to news about Syria is on par with interest in news about the situation in Afghanistan (16% very closely).

As Washington sprang into action late last week to end the furlough of federal air-traffic controllers and delays at airports across the country, the public blamed both sides for the situation. Nearly equal percentages say congressional Republicans (34%) and the Obama administration (32%) are more to blame for the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) budget cuts and airport delays. Another 10% volunteer that both sides are to blame, while 20% offer no opinion.

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted April 25-28 among 1,003 adults, finds that the public has paid relatively little attention to the story: just 15% say they followed news about airport delays and the furlough of air-traffic controllers very closely, a plurality (40%) say they did not follow the story closely at all.

Independents are evenly divided over whether Republicans in Congress (31%) or the Obama administration (31%) are more to blame for budget cuts at the FAA and delays at airports across the country. Partisans take opposing views with broad majorities of Republicans (67%) saying the Obama administration is more to blame, and a comparably large percentage of Democrats (62%) saying Republicans in Congress are more to blame.

Those paying very close attention to the story are about as likely to blame the Obama administration (47%) as Republicans in Congress (40%). Those following the story less closely also are divided, (33% blame Congressional Republicans, 29% the Obama administration); nearly a quarter (23%) of those not following the story very closely say they don’t know who is more to blame, compared with just 5% of those following very closely.

The public spreads the political blame for the flight delays and FAA situation more evenly than they did for broader debates over the sequester and fiscal cliff. In a Pew Research Center/Washington Post survey conducted Feb. 21-24, 2013, days before automatic spending cuts took effect, more said Republicans in Congress (45%), rather than President Obama (32%), would be more to blame if an agreement to prevent the sequester was not reached before the deadline.

Similarly, in the weeks before the fiscal cliff deadline late last year, the public said Republicans in Congress (53%) would be more to blame than President Obama (27%) for not reaching an agreement before the Dec. 31 deadline.

The key Senate vote that halted gun control legislation last week is drawing a mixed reaction from the American public: 47% express negative feelings about the vote while 39% have a positive reaction to the Senate’s rejection of gun control legislation that included background checks on gun purchases. Overall, 15% say they are angry this legislation was voted down and 32% say they are disappointed. On the other side, 20% say are very happy the legislation was blocked, while 19% say they are relieved.

The new national survey by the Pew Research Center and the Washington Post, conducted April 18-21 among 1,002 adults, finds a wide partisan gap in reactions. Just over half of Republicans are either very happy (29%) or relieved (23%) that the legislation was voted down, though roughly a third of Republicans say they are either disappointed (26%) or angry (8%). Among Democrats, fully two-thirds (67%) express negative sentiments about the legislation’s failure, with more saying they are disappointed (41%) than angry (26%).

Republicans and Democrats paid equally close attention to the gun debate last week: 40% across party lines say they tracked the events very closely, making it the second most closely followed story last week, after the terrorist bombings at the Boston Marathon. About half of those who followed news about the gun control debate very closely last week had particularly strong reactions to the Senate vote – 31% say they are very happy about the outcome while 22% are angry. Among those who followed news about the debate less closely, only about a quarter offered such strong reactions.

The overall balance of positive and negative reactions to the Senate vote tracks more closely to earlier measures of the public’s broad views on gun control than to attitudes toward background checks specifically. A Pew Research Center/USA TODAY survey in February found the public divided over whether gun control (50%) or gun rights (46%) should be the higher priority. By contrast, making private gun sales and sales at gun shows subject to background checks was supported by an 83% to 15% margin in the February survey.

Despite stark political divisions in the Senate over the Toomey-Manchin legislation, there are relatively modest differences in public reactions in states represented by senators on both sides of the vote. Even in states where both senators voted in favor of the legislation, only about half of the constituents are angry or disappointed that the proposal failed. Similarly, in states where both members voted no only about half are very happy or relieved the bill was blocked.

In the 21 states where both senators supported the legislation, including California, New York and Illinois, 51% say they are either angry or disappointed that the legislation failed, while 38% are very happy or relieved about the outcome. Just 16% of people in these states say they are angry the legislation was voted down, while 35% are simply disappointed.

In the 13 states where one senator voted in favor and one voted against the bill, such as Florida, Ohio and Arizona, the overall balance of opinion is similar: 49% say they are angry or disappointed, 36% very happy or relieved.

Reactions to the Senate vote are more positive in states represented by two senators who both voted against the legislation. In the 16 states where both senators voted against the legislation, such as Texas, Georgia and Tennessee, 46% say they are very happy or relieved that the bill did not pass; 37% say they are angry or disappointed.

Appendix: Senate Vote on Toomey-Manchin Proposal by State

States with two senators voting yes:

CA, CO, CT, DE, HI, IL, ME, MD, MA, MI, MN, NJ, NM, NY, OR, PA, RI, VT, VA, WA, WV

States with one senator voting yes and one senator voting no:
AZ, FL, IN, IA, LA, MO, MT, NV*, NH, NC, OH, SD, WI
* Sen. Harry Reid (D-NV) originally voted yes, but then changed his vote to no so that he could reintroduce the proposal at a later time. For this analysis, Sen. Reid is considered a yes vote.

States with two senators voting no:
AL, AK, AR, GA, ID, KS, KY, MS, NE, ND, OK, SC, TN, TX, UT, WY

Source: U.S. Senate

Last week’s bombings at the Boston Marathon attracted broad public interest: 63% of Americans say they followed the story very closely, among the highest interest in any news story in the past decade. And the bombings drew far more public attention than any terrorist event since Sept. 11, 2001, which 78% reported following very closely in mid-October of that year.

While the Boston bombings riveted most Americans, the incident appeared to confirm the public’s long-held belief that occasional terrorist acts are to be expected. Over the past decade, majorities have consistently said that “occasional acts of terrorism in the U.S. will be part of life in the future.” This sentiment has spiked to 75% in the wake of the Boston bombings from 64% a year ago and now matches the previous high of 74% in 2003.

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted April 18-21 among 1,002 adults, finds that the public is evenly divided over whether there is more the government can do to prevent attacks like the one in Boston: 49% say there is more the government can do to prevent such attacks, but nearly as many (45%) say there is not much more that can be done.

The steps the government has taken since 9/11 are generally seen as having made the country safer. Six-in-ten (60%) say steps taken by the government since Sept. 11, 2001 have made the country safer, while 35% say these actions have not had much of an effect.

The survey finds only modest partisan differences in these opinions. Republicans and Democrats are about equally likely to say terrorism will be part of life in the future (78% of Republicans, 73% of Democrats). Members of both parties are divided over whether or not there is more the government can do to prevent this type of attack. However, Republicans (69%) are more likely to credit the government’s post-Sept. 11 actions for making the country safer than are independents (59%) or Democrats (58%).

TV Was Top Source of Information on Boston Attacks

Television was far-and-away the most widely-used source of information about the bombing and its aftermath; 80% of Americans followed the story on TV. About half (49%) say they kept up with news and information online or on a mobile device, and 38% followed the story on the radio. Only 29% say they kept up with the story in newspapers, about the same number (26%) tracked the story on social networking sites like Facebook or Twitter.

Despite some factual errors over the course of the week, the press receives generally favorable marks for its coverage of the news from Boston. About seven-in-ten say the press has done either an excellent (32%) or good (40%) job; only about a quarter rate the press coverage as only fair (14%) or poor (8%). About as many Republicans (75%) as Democrats (79%) rate news coverage of the attacks positively.

More See Terrorism in Future, but Worries Do Not Rise

In April 2012, more than a decade removed from the 9/11 attacks, 64% agreed that occasional acts of terrorism in the U.S. will be part of life in the future. Today, 75% express this view, with much of the increase over the past year coming among young people.

A year ago, 18-29 year-olds were far less likely than older Americans to see terrorism as part of life in the future: just 54% agreed with this statement, compared with 74% of those age 65 and older. But the share of young people who say this has increased 20 points in the wake of the Boston bombings, and is now roughly on par with older age groups.

There has also been a closing of the partisan gap on this question. A year ago, 74% of Republicans saw terrorism as part of life in the future, compared with 60% of Democrats and 63% of independents. Today, there is no significant difference across party lines, as the number of Democrats and independents who hold this view has increased.

Despite these changing expectations, there is little evidence that the public’s overall worries about terrorism have spiked. Currently, 23% say they are very worried that there will soon be another terrorist attack in the U.S. This is comparable to public views in previous years. Even in October 2001 – roughly a month after the 9/11 attacks – 29% said they were very worried about this.

Comparable percentages of Democrats (27%), Republicans (24%) and independents (20%) express a great deal of concern that another attack will occur soon.

There also are only small partisan differences in some other reactions to the attack. About half of independents (52%), Democrats (49%) and Republicans (48%) say there is more that the government can do to prevent attacks like the one in Boston.

However, Republicans (69%) are more likely than Democrats (58%) and independents (59%) to say that the steps the government has taken since the Sept. 11 attacks have made the country safer.

Young People as Likely to Follow Boston News Online As on TV

Overall, 63% say they followed news about the Boston attack very closely, the highest level of interest for any story since the 2008 financial crisis; in September of that year, 70% tracked news about the economy very closely.

Interest in the Boston bombings is on par with such recent events as the Iraq war (63% very closely), the debate over the Wall Street bailout (62%), the Haiti earthquake (60%) and the 2008 (61%) and 2012 (60%) presidential elections.

While television was the public’s top source for news on the bombing overall, people younger than 30 were as likely to follow this news online as on television; 70% say they kept up with news about the bombings online while 68% tracked the news on television. Among older age groups, far more kept up with information about the bombings on television than followed it online.

And a majority of young people (56%) say they kept up with news and information about the bombings on social networks like Facebook and Twitter. Among older age groups no more than about a quarter followed news about the attack on social networks.

Overall, 26% say they have been keeping up with news and information about the bombing at the Boston Marathon through social networking sites like Facebook or Twitter. When asked an open-ended question about why they are following news on social networks, the two most common responses are that the news “is just there” on social networking sites, or that they are already on their computer and can’t avoid it (18%), and that it is another way to keep up with the news and get more information (13%).

About one-in-ten cite the ease and convenience of following news on social networking sites (12%) and the fact that it is fast to use and up-to-date (11%). Another 6% say they used social networks to keep up with friends and family in Boston.

Relatively few people who followed news about the Boston attack on social networks specifically mention the quality of the information. However, 7% say the main reason they went to social networks to follow news about the attacks is that is an alternative to television and 6% cite the variety of different perspectives on social networks or note that the information is uncensored.

Press Coverage Gets Good Marks

About seven-in-ten (72%) say the press has done either an excellent (32%) or good (40%) job covering the Boston marathon bombing; relatively few say they have done an only fair (14%) or poor (8%) job in their reporting.

Press ratings are similar to those given in March 2011 in response to coverage of the shooting of Congresswoman Gabrielle Giffords in Tucson, Arizona. The press has generally received more positive than negative ratings for its coverage of other major news events, including the shootings at Virginia Tech and Hurricane Katrina. Ratings were particularly high for the job the press did covering the September 11th terrorist attacks: in September, 2001, nearly nine-in-ten (89%) said the press had done an excellent (56%) or good (33%) job covering the story.

The public’s knowledge of science and technology varies widely across a range of questions on current topics and basic scientific concepts, according to a new quiz by the Pew Research Center and Smithsonian magazine. Click here to take the quiz yourself before reviewing the answers.

About eight-in-ten Americans (83%) identify ultraviolet as the type of radiation that sunscreen protects against. Nearly as many (77%) know that the main concern about the overuse of antibiotics is that it can lead to antibiotic-resistant bacteria.

However, only about half (51%) of the public knows that “fracking” is a process that extracts natural gas, not coal, diamonds or silicon from the earth.

Similarly, knowledge of basic scientific concepts differs greatly across questions. While most Americans (78%) know that the basic function of red blood cells is to carry oxygen to all parts of the body, just 20% could identify nitrogen as the gas that makes up most of the atmosphere.

The quiz is part of a nationwide survey, conducted March 7-10 among 1,006 adults, which also probed opinions and perceptions about science and math in education. The survey was conducted with Smithsonian magazine for an edition focusing on STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) education (see “How Much Do Americans Know about Science?”).

The public underestimates how well American high school students perform on standardized science tests compared with students in other developed nations. A plurality (44%) believes that 15-year-olds in other developed nations outrank U.S. students in knowledge of science; according to an international student assessment, U.S. 15-year-olds are in the middle ranks of developed nations in science knowledge.

Nearly half of Americans (46%) say that the main reason that many young people do not pursue degrees in math and science is mostly because they think these subjects are too hard; just 22% say it is mostly because young people think math and science are not useful for their careers while 20% say it is because they think these subjects are too boring. Women (54%) are more likely than men (37%) to say that the main reason young people do not pursue math and science degrees is because they think these subjects are too difficult.

The survey asked an open-ended question about what one subject K-12 schools should emphasize more these days; 30% of respondents say math; 19% say English, grammar or writing, while 11% say science; and 10% say history, social studies or government. Overall, 45% mention some aspect of science, technology, engineering or mathematics.

About the Quiz: Chemical Reactions, Control Groups and CO2

The new survey includes a mix of 13 knowledge questions; some are the type that might be found in a science textbook while others come from news coverage of science and technology issues.

Among the textbook-type questions, the quiz asks which is a chemical reaction – water boiling, sugar dissolving or nails rusting. Two-thirds (66%) correctly say that nails rusting is an example of a chemical reaction; much smaller percentages incorrectly say that water boiling (12%) and sugar dissolving (also 12%) are examples of chemical reactions.

The survey also asks about basic scientific knowledge in a series of true-false questions. Most Americans (77%) correctly say it is true that the continents have been moving for millions of years and will continue to move in the future. But only about half (47%) say it is true that electrons are smaller than atoms. The percentages answering these and other true-false questions correctly are little changed from a June 2009 survey.

Other questions test knowledge of scientific methods and current scientific issues. Most Americans know that scientists use control groups to test the effectiveness of new drugs in treating disease. Three-quarters (75%) correctly say that scientists give a new drug to half of a group of volunteers, but not to the other half, and compare how many in each group get better. Just 19% say it would be more effective to give the drug to the entire group.

Demographic Differences in Knowledge about Science & Technology

Education is the strongest demographic predictor of knowledge about science and technology. People with at least some exposure to college do much better than those with no college experience on nearly all of the questions.

On several questions, there also are wide differences between college graduates and those who have attended college but not graduated. For instance, 76% of college graduates but just 55% of those with some college experience identify carbon dioxide as the gas that most scientists believe causes atmospheric temperatures to rise.

There are only modest partisan differences in knowledge about which gas is generally seen by scientists as causing atmospheric temperatures to rise; 63% of independents say it is carbon dioxide, as do 58% of Republicans and 56% of Democrats.

Notably, even most college graduates could not identify the gas that makes up most of the earth’s atmosphere. Just 31% correctly say it is nitrogen, while an identical percentage (31%) incorrectly says it is oxygen. Among those with a high school education or less, oxygen is the most frequent response.

In previous Pew Research Center surveys measuring knowledge of politics and public affairs, young people typically have not fared as well as older people. But that pattern does not hold for most questions about scientific topics. As a group, those younger than 30 do about as well as those in the 30-49 and 50-64 age groups.

Meanwhile, people 65 and older scored relatively low on many questions. Just 37% know that nanotechnology deals with small things; majorities in younger age groups know this. And just 27% correctly answered a question about how lasers work, compared with about half in older age groups.

However, half (50%) of those 65 and older identify natural gas as the resource extracted in fracking, compared with 61% of those 50-64, 52% of those 30-49 and just 35% of those under 30. This was the only question on which those 65 and older scored higher than those younger than 30.

Overall, men outperformed women on the quiz, though in many cases the differences are modest. On average, men answered 8.6 items correctly, compared with 7.7 items for women.

On the health-related questions on the quiz, however, women did as well as or better than men. Women are more likely than men to know that a major concern of the overuse of antibiotics is that it can lead to antibiotic-resistant bacteria (81% of women know this vs. 72% of men).

What Subject Should Receive More Emphasis in K-12 Schools?

Asked in an open-ended format what one subject being taught in K-12 schools should receive greater emphasis than it does now, 30% volunteer math and arithmetic. About one-in-five (19%) say English, grammar, writing and reading should receive more emphasis, while about one-in-ten cite science (11%) or history (10%).

Republicans (35%) are more likely than Democrats (24%) to say that math and arithmetic should be emphasized more by schools. More Republicans (13%) than Democrats (5%) also say that history, social studies and civics should get greater attention.

By contrast, while 17% of Democrats say that science should receive greater emphasis in K-12 schools, just 7% of Republicans agree. Comparable percentages of Republicans and Democrats say other subjects – including English and grammar, art and music, and religion and Christianity – deserve more emphasis than they are currently receiving.

Many Say U.S. Students Are Outranked in Science

A plurality of Americans (44%) say that average American 15-year-olds rank at the bottom on standardized tests of science knowledge, when compared with students in other developed nations. That is incorrect: According to the most recent available data from the Program for International Student Assessment, U.S. students rank among the middle of OECD nations.

The survey finds that 35% correctly know that U.S. 15-year-olds are about in the middle when it comes to science knowledge; 7% say incorrectly that American students rank among the top of developed nations.

College graduates are more likely than those with less education to underestimate the performance of U.S. teens on standardized science tests. More than half of college graduates (56%) say that American students rank near the bottom among developed countries. That compares with 46% of those with some college experience who do not have a degree and 36% of those with no more than a high school education.

There are no significant partisan differences in evaluations of student performance on standardized science tests: 46% of Republicans and about as many Democrats (45%) and independents (45%) say they rank near the bottom among developed nations.

When asked why many young people do not pursue degrees in math and science, a 46% plurality says it is mostly because they view these subjects as too difficult. Fewer say young people are turned off because they see math and science as not useful for their careers (22%) or because they are too boring (20%).

Young people have about the same opinions as older people for why many do not pursue math and science degrees: 47% say it is because those subjects are seen as too difficult. More women (54%) than men (37%) say many young people do not go after degrees in math and science mainly because they perceive those subjects as being too difficult.