The public is divided over whether the leak of classified information about NSA phone and internet surveillance serves the public interest. But a majority says that former government contractor Edward Snowden should be criminally prosecuted.

The new national survey, conducted June 12-16 by the Pew Research Center and USA TODAY among 1,512 adults, finds that 44% think that the release of classified information about the NSA program harms the public interest, while 49% say it serves the public interest.

However, 54% of the public – including identical majorities of Republicans and Democrats (59% each) – say the government should pursue a criminal case against the person responsible for leaking the classified information about the program.

Young people, by 60% to 34%, think that the NSA leak serves the public interest. Americans 30 and older are divided (46% serves vs. 47% harms). And while those younger than 30 are divided over whether Snowden should be prosecuted, majorities in older age groups favor the government pursuing a criminal case against him.   The survey finds that the public has a more positive opinion about the impact of the revelations of NSA communications surveillance on the public interest than it did about the release of a massive trove of classified material about U.S. diplomatic relations by the Wikileaks website two-and-half years ago.

In December 2010, just 29% said the Wikileaks disclosures served the public interest while 53% said they harmed it. Today, about as many say the leak about the NSA surveillance program serves the public interest (49%) as harms it (44%).

In terms of the impact of the NSA surveillance on personal privacy, about half of Americans (54%) say the U.S. government probably has collected data about their personal phone calls, emails and other online communications. More (63%) say that if they knew that the government had collected such information, they would feel like their privacy would have been violated.

Mixed Approval of NSA Program, But Most Say It Helped Prevent Terrorism

The public is divided over the NSA surveillance program itself. About as many approve (48%) as disapprove (47%) of the “government’s collection of telephone and internet data as part of anti-terrorism efforts.”

Yet a majority of Americans (53%) think the government’s collection of telephone and internet data has helped prevent terrorist attacks, while 41% say it has not.

There are wider partisan differences in views of the program than about whether the leak of NSA surveillance serves the public interest, or whether Snowden should be criminally prosecuted. Nearly six-in-ten Democrats (58%) approve of the government’s data collection efforts, compared with 45% of Republicans and 42% of independents. Democrats are also more likely than Republicans or independents to say the program has helped prevent terrorist attacks.

In a Pew Research Center/Washington Post survey released a week ago, more Democrats (64%) than Republicans (52%) said it was acceptable for the NSA to get “secret court orders to track telephone call records of millions of Americans in an effort to investigate terrorism.” In that survey overall, 56% of the public said they considered the NSA phone tracking program acceptable.

Young People More Likely to Say NSA Leak Serves Public Interest

People under 30 are the only age group in which a clear majority (60%) says that the release of classified information about the NSA phone and email data collection program serves the public interest.

Those 30 to 64 are divided while people 65 and older think that the NSA disclosures harm the public interest (by 53% to 36%).

Young people are also the only age group that is divided over whether Snowden should be criminally prosecuted: 44% say he should be prosecuted while 50% say he should not. Among older age groups, more favor than oppose criminal prosecution.

People under 30 also are somewhat more skeptical about the NSA program’s effectiveness. Just 43% of young people say the program has helped prevent attacks, compared with about half or more in older age groups.

Tea Party Republicans, Liberals Say NSA Leak Is in Public Interest

Tea Party Republicans are paying a great deal of attention to news about the NSA surveillance program and are highly critical of it. By more than two-to-one (65% to 29%) Republicans and Republican-leaning independents who agree with the Tea Party disapprove of the government collecting data as part of anti-terrorism efforts. By comparison, Republicans who do not express agreement with the Tea Party are divided (50% approve, 46% disapprove).

On the question of whether the leaked information serves the public interest, there are significant divides within both parties’ political bases. In the GOP, Tea Party Republicans are more likely than their more moderate counterparts to see the release of the classified information as serving the public interest. Within the Democratic Party, more liberals than moderates and conservatives view the leaks as a good thing.

The same gaps exist when it comes to whether to prosecute Edward Snowden. There is substantially less support for pursuing a case against the leaker among Tea Party Republicans and liberal Democrats than there is among moderate segments of the party bases.

Most Think Gov’t Has Probably Collected Their Data

A majority of Americans (54%) think the U.S. government has collected data about their phone or online communications; 39% say it has probably not.

When asked how they would feel if they knew that the federal government had collected data about their phone and internet activity, 63% say they would feel that their personal privacy has been violated.

Men are more likely than women to think the government has collected their personal data (58% vs. 49%). Two-thirds of blacks (66%) believe this, compared to about half of whites (51%) and Hispanics (50%).

However, there are only modest age and partisan differences in people’s opinions about whether the government has probably accessed their personal data. About half (52%) of Republicans and Democrats say the government has probably collected their own data, as do 54% of independents.

Yet there are sharper partisan divisions about how people would feel if they knew the U.S. government had collected data about their personal phone and internet activity. Fully 69% of independents and 68% of Republicans would consider this a violation of their personal privacy, compared with 53% of Democrats.

Nearly two-thirds (65%) of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents who agree with the Tea Party say the government probably has collected data about their own personal calls and online communications; just 49% of non-Tea Party Republicans say the government has probably accessed their personal information. Tea Party Republicans (78%) also are more likely than non-Tea Party Republicans (64%) to say they would feel their privacy had been violated if they knew the government had collected their personal information.

Overall, the share of the public who say they would feel their personal privacy had been violated is little changed from 2006, when a similar Gallup/USA Today question asked about telephone companies providing people’s records to the federal government (63% today vs. 57% then).

But there has been a large partisan shift in these opinions. When asked about the Bush-era program in 2006, 77% of Democrats said they would feel their privacy had been violated, compared with just 28% of Republicans. Today, only about half of Democrats (53%) say they would feel their privacy has been violated if they knew the government had collected their personal data. By contrast, the percentage of Republicans who feel their privacy would be violated has more than doubled (from 28% to 68%).

Broad majorities continue to oppose the U.S. and its allies sending arms and military supplies to anti-government groups in Syria. Last Thursday’s announcement that the U.S. would aid the rebels has not increased public support for action, and majorities of all partisan groups are opposed.

Overall, 70% oppose the U.S. and its allies sending arms and military supplies to anti-government groups in Syria; just 20% favor this. Opinion is little changed from December of last year (24% favor) and support is down slightly from March, 2012 (29% favor).

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted June 12-16 among 1,512 adults, finds a major factor in overall attitudes about Syria is the impression that the U.S. military is already stretched thin. About two-thirds (68%) say the U.S. is too overcommitted to get involved in another conflict, and just 27% disagree. The public also has questions about the opposition groups in Syria: 60% say that they may be no better than the current government.

At the same time, the public does not reject a key argument for involvement in Syria: by a 53%-36% margin, most agree that it is important for the U.S. to support people who oppose authoritarian regimes.

The public is divided over whether the U.S. has a moral obligation to do what it can to stop the violence in Syria: 49% agree, 46% disagree.

Most Republicans and Democrats Oppose Arming Rebels

There is very little partisan divide in attitudes about the conflict in Syria. Majorities of independents (74%), Republicans (71%) and Democrats (66%) oppose the U.S. and its allies sending arms and military supplies to anti-government groups in Syria.

Nearly identical majorities of Democrats (69%), independents (69%) and Republicans (68%) also believe that U.S. military forces are too overcommitted to get involved in another conflict.

Independents (66%) and Republicans (64%) are most concerned that the opposition groups in Syria may be no better than the current government, but 52% of Democrats also agree with this statement.

By a 58%-38% margin, more Democrats agree than disagree that the U.S. has a moral obligation to do what it can to stop the violence in Syria. Republicans are split with 49% saying the U.S. has a moral obligation to do what it can to stop the violence, and 48% saying it does not have this responsibility. Most independents (53%) disagree that the U.S. has a moral obligation to stop the violence in Syria.

The survey, conducted from Wednesday, June 12 through Sunday, June 16, found no significant trend in opinion about Syria over the course of the five nights of fieldwork. In the first two nights of interviewing 69% opposed arming Syrian rebels, in the final three nights of fieldwork 71% were opposed.

Low Public Interest in Syria News

Even amidst developments on the ground in Syria and the announcement of U.S. plans to aid anti-government groups there, the public continues to pay very little attention to news about Syria. In a separate survey conducted Thursday through Sunday, just 15% say they are following news about charges that Syria has used chemical weapons against anti-government groups very closely, far fewer than are following other stories such as the government’s collection of communication information (35%) and news about the national economy (30%). In fact, 33% say they are following news about Syria not at all closely.

Partisans express similarly low levels of interest in the conflict in Syria. Just 12% of Democrats, 14% of Republicans and 17% of independents say they are following charges that Syria used chemical weapons very closely.

Those Who Favor Arming Rebels Also Have Concerns

The 20% of the public that favors arming anti-government groups in Syria also expresses concerns about the U.S. getting involved. More than half (56%) of those who favor arming rebels agree with the statement that U.S. military forces are too overcommitted to get involved in another conflict, and 55% agree that the opposition groups in Syria may be no better than the current government. However, far larger majorities agree that it is important for the U.S. to support people who oppose authoritarian regimes (76%) and that the U.S. has a moral obligation to do what it can to stop the violence in Syria (75%).

To a lesser extent, those who oppose arming the rebels are sympathetic to some arguments for greater U.S. involvement in Syria. About half of those who oppose arming rebels (48%) agree that it is important for the U.S. to support people who oppose authoritarian regimes; 41% say the U.S. has a moral obligation to do what it can to stop the violence in Syria.

A substantial majority of Americans (81%) view sexual assault in the military as an extremely or very important issue. But the public does not believe the problem of sexual assault is a bigger problem in the military than outside it: Just 11% say it is more of a problem inside the military, 23% say it is more of a problem outside the military, while 63% say it is about the same.

And while 40% say the reports of sexual assault in the military represent underlying problems with military culture, a majority (54%) says they represent individual acts of misconduct.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center and The Washington Post, conducted June 6-9 among 1,004 adults, finds that the public is evenly divided over whether the better way to handle the problem of sexual assault in the military is for Congress to make changes in military laws (45%) or for military leaders to address the problem internally (44%).

By 57% to 32%, Republicans say it would better for military leaders to handle the problem internally. By about the same margin (58% to 33%), Democrats say it would be better for Congress to make changes in military law.

About half of Americans (52%) have a great deal or fair amount of confidence that military leaders will make the right decisions when it comes to the problem of sexual assault in the military, but just 36% express at least a fair amount of confidence in Congress on this issue.

This in part may reflect the wide gap in underlying opinions about the two institutions: In January, just 23% viewed Congress favorably, while a month earlier 71% had a favorable opinion of military leaders.

The new survey finds a sizable gender gap in views of the seriousness of this issue. About half of women (51%) say the issue of sexual assault in the military is extremely important, compared with 37% of men. But similar shares of men (56%) and women (51%) say the problem is rooted in individual misconduct rather than military culture.

Moreover, there are no significant gender differences in views of whether the military or Congress can better handle this problem: 48% of women favor Congress making changes in military laws while nearly as many (42%) say military leaders can better deal with the problem internally. Men also are divided (46% military leaders, 43% Congress).

What to Tell a Young Woman Who’s Thinking of Joining Military

Most Americans (59%) say that if they or a friend had a daughter who was thinking of joining the military, the allegations of sexual misconduct would not be a sufficient reason to tell her to stay out of the military. About four-in-ten (38%) say these allegations are a sufficient reason to dissuade a young woman from joining.

These views are largely unchanged from 1997, amid widespread allegations of sexual harassment in the armed forces. In a survey by the Associated Press, 65% said allegations of sexual misconduct in the military were not a sufficient reason to tell a young woman interested in joining the military not to join, while 31% viewed the allegations as a sufficient reason to discourage her from joining the military.

Comparable shares of women (58%) and men (61%), as well as parents (59%) and non-parents (61%), say reports of sexual misconduct are not a sufficient reason to tell a daughter not to join the military.

Perceptions of the Sexual Assault Problem

Just 11% say sexual assault is more of a problem in the military than outside it; twice as many (23%) think it is more of a problem outside of the armed forces, while 63% say it is about the same in and out of the military.

While nearly identical percentages of women (9%) and men (12%) say sexual assault is a bigger problem in the military, men are more likely than women to say it is a bigger problem outside the armed forces (29% vs. 17%). A larger majority of women (70%) than men (57%) see the problem about the same inside and outside the armed forces.

People who have served in the military or live in a household with someone serving or a veteran have similar views as those in non-military households about the problem of military sexual assault. Nearly identical majorities in both groups say it is about the same inside the military as outside it (63% of military households, 64% of non-military households).

However, more people in non-military households (43%) than in military households (33%) say sexual assault reports represent underlying problems with military culture.

Republicans by more than two-to-one (69% to 25%) say reports of sexual assault in the military represent individual acts of misconduct. Democrats are more evenly divided, with 44% saying they represent individual acts and 49% saying they point to underlying problems with military culture.

Wide Partisan Gap over How to Handle Military Sexual Assaults

Republicans and Democrats have sharply different views about whether military leaders or Congress would be better able to handle the sexual assault problem. By 57% to 32%, Republicans say it would better for military leaders to handle the problem internally.

By about the same margin (58% to 33%), Democrats say it would be better for Congress to make changes in military law.

People in military households also are more likely than those in non-military households to say that military leaders can better handle the problem of sexual assaults internally (57% to 40%).

There also are large gaps in confidence in military leaders to make the right decisions on the problem of sexual assault in the military. While 62% of Republicans express at least a fair amount of confidence in military leaders, only about half of Democrats (47%) say the same. Democrats (47%) are more likely than Republicans (29%) to have at least a fair amount of confidence in Congress to make the right decisions on this issue.

Most of those in military households (63%) have confidence in military leaders to do the right thing in handling the problem of sexual assault; just 31% have confidence in Congress. Among non-military households, 49% have confidence in military leaders and 38% have confidence in Congress.

A majority of Americans – 56% – say the National Security Agency’s (NSA) program tracking the telephone records of millions of Americans is an acceptable way for the government to investigate terrorism, though a substantial minority – 41% – say it is unacceptable. And while the public is more evenly divided over the government’s monitoring of email and other online activities to prevent possible terrorism, these views are largely unchanged since 2002, shortly after the 9/11 terrorist attacks.

The latest national survey by the Pew Research Center and The Washington Post, conducted June 6-9 among 1,004 adults, finds no indications that last week’s revelations of the government’s collection of phone records and internet data have altered fundamental public views about the tradeoff between investigating possible terrorism and protecting personal privacy.

Currently 62% say it is more important for the federal government to investigate possible terrorist threats, even if that intrudes on personal privacy. Just 34% say it is more important for the government not to intrude on personal privacy, even if that limits its ability to investigate possible terrorist threats.

These opinions have changed little since an ABC News/Washington Post survey in January 2006. Currently, there are only modest partisan differences in these opinions: 69% of Democrats say it is more important for the government to investigate terrorist threats, even at the expense of personal privacy, as do 62% of Republicans and 59% of independents.

However, while six-in-ten or more in older age groups say it is more important to investigate terrorism even if it intrudes on privacy, young people are divided: 51% say investigating terrorism is more important while 45% say it is more important for the government not to intrude on personal privacy, even if that limits its ability to investigate possible threats.

The survey finds that while there are apparent differences between the NSA surveillance programs under the Bush and Obama administrations, overall public reactions to both incidents are similar. Currently, 56% say it is acceptable that the NSA “has been getting secret court orders to track telephone calls of millions of Americans in an effort to investigate terrorism.”

In January 2006, a few weeks after initial new reports of the Bush administration’s surveillance program, 51% said it was acceptable for the NSA to investigate “people suspected of involvement with terrorism by secretly listening in on telephone calls and reading e-mails between some people in the United States and other countries, without first getting court approval to do so.”

However, Republicans and Democrats have had very different views of the two operations. Today, only about half of Republicans (52%) say it is acceptable for the NSA to obtain court orders to track phone call records of millions of Americans to investigate terrorism. In January 2006, fully 75% of Republicans said it was acceptable for the NSA to investigate suspected terrorists by listening in on phone calls and reading emails without court approval.

Democrats now view the NSA’s phone surveillance as acceptable by 64% to 34%. In January 2006, by a similar margin (61% to 36%), Democrats said it was unacceptable for the NSA to scrutinize phone calls and emails of suspected terrorists.

Public Divided Over Internet Monitoring

The public is divided over the government’s monitoring of internet activity in order to prevent possible terrorism: 45% say the government should be able to “monitor everyone’s email and other online activities if officials say this might prevent future terrorist attacks.” About as many (52%) say the government should not able to do this.

These views are little changed from a July 2002 Pew Research Center survey. At that time, 45% said the government should be able to monitor everyone’s internet activity if the government said it would prevent future attacks; 47% said it should not.

Young Differ on Principle, but Less on Practice

Younger Americans are more likely than older age groups to prioritize protecting personal privacy over terrorism investigations. Among people ages 18-29, 45% say it is more important for the federal government NOT to intrude on personal privacy, even if that limits its ability to investigate possible terrorist threats. That view falls to 35% among those ages 30-49 and just 27% among those ages 50 and older.

There are smaller age differences when it comes to the specific policies in the news this week. When it comes to whether the NSA tracking of phone records is acceptable, nearly the same share of 18-to-29 year-olds (55%) say the program is acceptable as those ages 65 and older (61%). Younger Americans are as divided as the nation overall about whether the government should or should not monitor email and online activities in the interest of preventing terrorism.

One-in-Four Following NSA News ‘Very Closely’

Roughly a quarter (27%) of Americans say they are following news about the government collecting Verizon phone records very closely. This is a relatively modest level of public interest.  Only another 21% say they are following this fairly closely, while about half say they are following not too (17%) or not at all (35%) closely.

Interest in reports about the government tracking of e-mail and online activities is almost identical: 26% say they are following this story very closely, 33% not closely at all.

As with most news stories, interest is far higher among older Americans than the young: one-in-three (33%) Americans ages 50-and-older are following news about the government tracking phone records very closely. Among those ages 18-29, just 12% are following very closely, while 56% say they are not following closely at all.

Attention to these stories is higher among Republicans and Republican-leaning independents: 32% are following reports about the government tracking phone records very closely, compared with 24% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents. The partisan gap in interest is almost identical when it comes to reports about government collecting email and other online information: 30% of Republicans and Republican-leaners are following very closely compared with 20% of Democrats and Democratic-leaners.

Overall, those who disagree with the government’s data monitoring are following the reports somewhat more closely than those who support them. Among those who find the government’s tracking of phone records to be unacceptable, 31% are following the story very closely, compared with 21% among those who say it is acceptable. Similarly with respect to reports about government monitoring of email and online activities, 28% of those who say this should not be done are following the news very closely, compared with 23% of those who approve of the practice.

More from the Pew Research Series: LGBT in Changing Times

As support for gay marriage continues to increase, nearly three-quarters of Americans – 72% – say that legal recognition of same-sex marriage is “inevitable.” This includes 85% of gay marriage supporters, as well as 59% of its opponents.

The national survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted May 1-5 among 1,504 adults, finds that support for same-sex marriage continues to grow: For the first time in Pew Research Center polling, just over half (51%) of Americans favor allowing gays and lesbians to marry legally. Yet the issue remains divisive, with 42% saying they oppose legalizing gay marriage. Opposition to gay marriage – and to societal acceptance of homosexuality more generally – is rooted in religious attitudes, such as the belief that engaging in homosexual behavior is a sin.

At the same time, more people today have gay or lesbian acquaintances, which is associated with acceptance of homosexuality and support for gay marriage. Nearly nine-in-ten Americans (87%) personally know someone who is gay or lesbian (up from 61% in 1993). About half (49%) say a close family member or one of their closest friends is gay or lesbian. About a quarter (23%) say they know a lot of people who are gay or lesbian, and 31% know a gay or lesbian person who is raising children. The link between these experiences and attitudes about homosexuality is strong. For example, roughly two-thirds (68%) of those who know a lot of people who are gay or lesbian favor gay marriage, compared with just 32% of those who don’t know anyone.

Part of this is a matter of who is more likely to have many gay acquaintances: the young, city dwellers, women, and the less religious, for example. But even taking these factors into account, the relationship between personal experiences and acceptance of homosexuality is a strong one.

Yet opposition to gay marriage remains substantial, and religious beliefs are a major factor in opposition. Just under half of Americans (45%) say they think engaging in homosexual behavior is a sin, while an equal number says it is not. Those who believe homosexual behavior is a sin overwhelmingly oppose gay marriage. Similarly, those who say they personally feel there is a lot of conflict between their religious beliefs and homosexuality (35% of the public) are staunchly opposed to same-sex marriage.

The survey finds that as support for same-sex marriage has risen, other attitudes about homosexuality have changed as well. In a 2004 Los Angeles Times poll, most Americans (60%) said they would be upset if they had a child who told them that they were gay or lesbian; 33% said they would be very upset over this. Today, 40% say they would be upset if they learned they had a gay or lesbian child, and just 19% would be very upset.

Favorable opinions of both gay men and lesbians have risen since 2003. Moreover, by nearly two-to-one (60% to 31%), more Americans say that homosexuality should be accepted rather than discouraged by society. A decade ago, opinions about societal acceptance of homosexuality were evenly divided (47% accepted, 45% discouraged).

The religious basis for opposition to homosexuality is seen clearly in the reasons people give for saying it should be discouraged by society. By far the most frequently cited factors –mentioned by roughly half (52%) of those who say homosexuality should be discouraged – are moral objections to homosexuality, that it conflicts with religious beliefs, or that it goes against the Bible. No more than about one-in-ten cite any other reasons as to why homosexuality should be discouraged by society.

Widespread Belief that Legal Recognition Is ‘Inevitable’

Despite the increasing support for legal same-sex marriage in recent years, opinions about the issue remain deeply divided by age, partisanship and religious affiliation.

By contrast, large majorities across most demographic groups think that legal recognition of same-sex marriage is inevitable.

Republicans (73%) are as likely as Democrats (72%) or independents (74%) to view legal recognition for gay marriage as inevitable. Just 31% of Republicans favor allowing gays and lesbians to marry legally, compared with majorities of Democrats (59%) and independents (58%).

Similarly, people 65 and older are 30 points more likely to view legal recognition of same-sex marriage as inevitable than to favor it (69% vs. 39%). Among those younger than 30, about as many see legal same-sex marriage as inevitable as support gay marriage (69%, 65%).

Just 22% of white evangelical Protestants favor same-sex marriage, but about three times that percentage (70%) thinks legal recognition for gay marriage is inevitable. Among other religious groups, there are smaller differences in underlying opinions about gay marriage and views of whether it is inevitable.

A PEW RESEARCH SERIES

More on Same-Sex Marriage
Growing Support for Gay Marriage: Changed Minds and Changing Demographics

Behind Gay Marriage Momentum: Regional Gaps Persist

Support for same-sex marriage has edged above 50% for the first time in a Pew Research Center survey. Currently, 51% favor gays and lesbians marrying legally, while 42% are opposed. In March, 49% favored same-sex marriage and 44% were opposed.

The long-term trend toward support for gay marriage exists across most segments of the American population, though significant divides persist. People younger than 30 support gay marriage by about two-to-one, while those age 50 and older are divided. There is far more support for gay marriage among college graduates than among those who never attended college. And there continues to be a substantial difference of opinion regionally, with more support in the Northeast than in other regions.

As support for same-sex marriage has increased, so too has the percentage favoring legal agreements for gays and lesbians that would give them many of the same rights as married couples. Currently, 67% favor gays and lesbians being allowed to enter legal agreements that would give them many of the rights of married couples, while just 28% are opposed. Support for legal agreements crossed the 50% threshold in 2005, but a decade ago, opinion was evenly divided (46% favor, 47% oppose).

Like the rise in support for same-sex marriage, growing support for providing the same legal rights to gay and lesbian couples has occurred among most demographic and partisan groups. But some of the most dramatic increases have occurred among groups in which there continues to be broad opposition to gay marriage, including Republicans, older Americans and white evangelical Protestants.

Currently, 63% of Republicans favor legal agreements for gays and lesbians that would give them many of the rights of married couples, up from just 34% a decade ago. In the current survey, Republicans are nearly as likely as Democrats (68%) to favor legal agreements for gays and lesbians that give them similar rights to married couples. In 2003, there was a 21-point gap in these opinions.

Over the past decade, support for legal agreements for gays and lesbians has about doubled among people 65 and older (from 26% to 57%) and white evangelical Protestants (from 23% to 49%).

And while support for legal agreements continues to be virtually unanimous among all who support same-sex marriage, it has increased by 16 points – from 20% to 36% among those who oppose same-sex marriage.

Overall, 15% of Americans say they support legal agreements that would give gay and lesbian couples the same rights as married couples, but oppose same-sex marriage. When asked to explain in their own words why they oppose gay marriage, 41% cite moral concerns and religious beliefs as the reason. As one 34-year-old woman put it: “For me, I think it’s a religious and moral issue. They shouldn’t be discriminated against but it’s important to preserve what marriage is morally.”

In addition, 37% holding these views say that marriage is only for a man and a woman, or that the main purpose of marriage is procreation. “I am old-fashioned. I believe marriage is between a man and a woman,” said a 79-year-old woman. Another 10% emphasize the term “marriage” itself, such as this 64-year-old man: “Marriage is a religious institution that belongs to religion, not the government.”

Is Gay Marriage ‘Inevitable’?

Along with rising support for gay marriage is the increasing sense that the legal recognition of gay marriage is inevitable: 72% of Americans now say this, up from 59% in a 2004 Los Angeles Times survey.

The rising sense of inevitability is most notable among some of the groups that tend to be the least supportive of gay marriage itself. The share of Republicans who see gay marriage as inevitable rose from 47% to 73% over the past nine years. While there was a steep partisan divide in 2004, now there is none: Republicans are just as likely as Democrats (72%) and independents (74%) to see legal recognition of same-sex marriage as inevitable.

Similarly, in 2004 71% of 18-29 year-olds felt that gay marriage was inevitable, compared with 45% of those age 65 and older. Today there is no such divide: 69% of both the youngest and oldest hold this view.

The same pattern holds along religious lines: the share of white evangelical Protestants who see gay marriage as inevitable rose from 49% to 70%, and there is less of a difference across religious lines today than in 2004.

One divide that exists on this opinion is by education. Eight-in-ten adults with at least some college believe same-sex marriage is inevitable, compared to about six-in-ten (62%) of those with no college experience. This gap did not exist in 2004, when about six-in-ten people of all educational levels believed this.

The new survey finds larger changes over the past decade in favorable opinions of gay men and lesbians. Ten years ago, the balance of opinion toward both gay men and lesbians was unfavorable: 37% viewed gay men favorably, while 51% viewed them unfavorably; 39% had a favorable impression of lesbian women while 48% had an unfavorable opinion.

Today, by a 55% to 32% margin, more have a favorable than unfavorable opinion of gay men. And about twice as many view lesbian women favorably (58%) than unfavorably (29%).

As with many attitudes about homosexuality, opinions about gay men and lesbians have become more positive across nearly all demographic and partisan categories over the past decade. Yet there continue to be wide differences among these groups in opinions about both gay men and lesbians.

More than eight-in-ten liberal Democrats view gay men (85%) and lesbian women (84%) favorably. Opinions are nearly as favorable among white women college graduates (81% favorable view of gay men, 80% favorable view of lesbians).

By contrast, just 36% of white evangelical Protestants have a favorable opinion of gay men, while 50% have an unfavorable view. White evangelicals express mixed views of lesbian women (39% favorable, 46% unfavorable).

Among African Americans, about as many have favorable views as unfavorable opinions of both gay men (42% favorable, 50% unfavorable) and lesbians (50% favorable, 45% unfavorable).

And while white women college graduates stand out for their positive views of both groups, white men who have not completed college have mixed impressions of gay men (41% favorable, 43% unfavorable) and lesbian women (47% favorable, 37% unfavorable).

Reactions to Learning Your Child Is Gay or Lesbian

In 1985, a Los Angeles Times survey found that 64% of the public said they would be “very upset” if their child told them he or she was gay or lesbian. By 2004, that number had fallen by almost half (33%). Since then, it has declined another 14 points, to 19%.

Instead, a majority (55%) now says they would not be upset if they learned their child was gay or lesbian, a 19-point increase since 2004 and a 46-point increase since the mid-1980s.

Again, this has been an across-the-board shift in attitudes. Yet the change has been more dramatic among some groups than others. In 2004, fully 82% of those 65 and older said they would be upset if their child told them they were gay, and 50% said they’d be very upset. Today, only about half (47%) say they’d be upset and just 24% say they’d be very upset.

Among Republicans, the percentage saying they’d be very upset if they learned their child was gay or lesbian also has fallen by half – from 44% to 22% – since 2004.

Views of Gays, Lesbians Raising Children

In recent years, there has been a decline in the percentage of Americans who think that more gays and lesbians raising children is a bad thing for American society. Currently, 35% view this as a negative trend for society. While that is unchanged from 2011, it represents a 15-point decline since 2007 (from 50%), according to a separate survey, conducted March 21-April 8 among 4,006 adults.

Over this period, the percentage saying more gays and lesbians raising children is a good thing has nearly doubled, from 11% to 21%. About four-in-ten (41%) say more gays and lesbians raising children does not make much difference.

The public also takes a more positive view of another social trend – more people of different races marrying each other. Currently, 37% say this is a good thing for American society, up from 25% in 2011 and 24% in 2010. About half (51%) say more interracial marriage does not make much difference, compared with 64% in 2011 and 61% in 2010. About one-in-ten (10%) continue to view this as a negative trend for American society.

Divided Opinions over Why People Are Gay, Lesbian

The public has divided views about why people are gay or lesbian: 42% say being gay or lesbian is “just the way some people choose to live,” while nearly as many say “people are born gay or lesbian.” Just 8% say being gay or lesbian “is a result of a person’s upbringing.”

A decade ago, in a slightly different version of the question, 30% said that “homosexuality is something that people are born with.”

Opinions about why people are gay or lesbian vary widely by race, educational attainment, partisanship and religious affiliation. Fully 66% of African Americans think that being gay or lesbian is just the way some people choose to live, while just 20% say people are born gay or lesbian. Among whites and Hispanics, opinion is more closely divided: 44% of whites say people are born lesbian or gay while 39% say it is a choice; Hispanics’ views are similar (48% born, 36% choice).

Overall, most (58%) who say that homosexuality should be accepted think that people are born gay or lesbian. A majority (63%) of those who say homosexuality should be discouraged think it is just a way some people choose to live.

However, while people under 30 are more likely than those 50 and older to favor societal acceptance of homosexuality, young people are actually more likely than older people to say being gay or lesbian is just the way some people choose to live.

Personal Contacts with Gays and Lesbians

An overwhelming percentage of Americans (87%) say they know someone who is gay or lesbian. Twenty years ago, far fewer (61%) say they had a gay or lesbian acquaintance, according to an NBC News/Wall Street Journal survey.

Nearly a quarter (23%) say they personally know “a lot” of gay or lesbian people, while 44% say they know some, and 19% have only one or two gay or lesbian acquaintances. Overall, nearly a third of Americans (31%) say they know no one who is gay or lesbian (12%) or have only one or two gay acquaintances (19%).

About half of Americans (49%) say that a close family member or one of their closest friends is gay or lesbian. And nearly a third (31%) say they know gays or lesbians who are raising children.

While large majorities across virtually all demographic and partisan groups say they know at least someone who is gay or lesbian, there are differences in the number of gay acquaintances that people have.

Adults ages 65 and older are half as likely as those under 30 to know a lot of gays and lesbians (15% vs. 30%). Roughly one-in-five of those 65 and older (21%) say they do not know any at all.

Familiarity with gays and lesbians also differs by religious affiliation. Three-in-ten (30%) of those unaffiliated with a religion say they know a lot of gays and lesbians and just 8% say they know none. Among Catholics, 22% know a lot of gays and lesbians, while 14% of white evangelical Protestants say this.

Democrats (24%) and independents (27%) are about equally likely to know a lot of gays and lesbians, compared to 13% of Republicans. There is also a divide based on community type: People who live in urban areas (29%) are much more likely to know a lot of gays and lesbians than suburbanites (20%) or people in rural areas (17%).

Gay Friends and Support for Same-Sex Marriage

Fully 68% of those who know a lot of gays and lesbians – and 61% who have close friends or family members who are gay – say they support same-sex marriage.

There is far less support for gay marriage among those with few or no gay contacts and those who do not have close gay friends or family members. Just 37% of those who know only one or two gay people favor gay marriage, as do 32% of those with no gay acquaintances.

People who have more gay contacts and close gay friends are more likely to be women, young, and religiously unaffiliated, groups that tend to be more supportive of same-sex marriage. But even holding demographic factors constant, those who have many gay acquaintances, or close gay friends and family members, are more likely to favor same-sex marriage than those who do not.

Most Visible Gay, Lesbian Public Figure: Ellen DeGeneres

Comedian and talk show host Ellen DeGeneres is by far the most visible gay or lesbian public figure. When asked which public or entertainment figures who are gay or lesbian first come to mind, 32% cite DeGeneres. Jason Collins, the professional basketball player who revealed he was gay shortly before the survey was conducted, was named by 7%, while 6% named Elton John.

Overall, 38% of the public could not name any gay or lesbian public figure. This includes 61% of those age 65 and older and 57% those with no more than a high school education.

Overall, the share of Americans who say that homosexuality should be accepted by society has increased from 47% to 60% over the past decade, while the percentage saying it should be discouraged has fallen from 45% to 31%.

Yet among those who attend religious services weekly or more, there continues to be slightly more opposition than support for societal acceptance of homosexuality. And when the nearly one-third of Americans who say homosexuality should be discouraged are asked in an open-ended question why they feel this way, by far the most common reason –given by 52% – is that homosexuality conflicts with their religious or moral beliefs.

A 62-year-old man said: “My religious background taught me that this was something that was taboo and not accepted.” A 32-year-old woman described her reasons for why homosexuality should be discouraged this way: “It clearly states in the Bible that it goes against God’s teachings.”

Much smaller percentages cite other reasons, such as concerns that homosexuality is bad for the family or bad for children (mentioned by 13%), that a man and woman are needed to create life, that it’s not natural, or “just wrong” (10% each).

Across most demographic subgroups, including most religious groups, the percentage saying homosexuality should be accepted has increased over the past decade. Nonetheless, about half (48%) of those who attend religious services weekly or more often say homosexuality should be discouraged. Among less frequent attenders, 71% favor societal acceptance of homosexuality.

White evangelical Protestants, by about two-to-one (59% to 30%), think that homosexuality should be discouraged. Among black Protestants, as well, more say homosexuality should be discouraged (51%) than accepted (39%).

By contrast, wide majorities of Catholics (71%) and white mainline Protestants (65%) say homosexuality should be accepted by society. And those without religious affiliation favor societal acceptance of homosexuality by roughly five-to-one (79% to 16%).

Conflict Between Religious Beliefs and Homosexuality

About half of Americans (48%) say there is a conflict between their religious beliefs and homosexuality, with 35% saying there is a lot of conflict. Another 48% see no conflict between their religious beliefs and homosexuality.

Among those who attend religious services weekly or more, 66% say homosexuality conflicts with their religious beliefs, with 50% saying there is a great deal of conflict. Most people (59%) who attend religious services less than once a week see no conflict between their beliefs and homosexuality.

Fully 74% of white evangelical Protestants say there is a conflict between homosexuality and their religious beliefs, as do majorities of white Catholics (62%) and black Protestants (58%).

Among white mainline Protestants, however, 41% say there is a conflict between their religious beliefs and homosexuality, while 55% see no conflict.

The tension between religious beliefs and homosexuality is closely associated with views about societal acceptance of homosexuality. Among those who see a lot of conflict between their own religious beliefs and homosexuality, a majority (53%) opposes societal acceptance. Those who see a little conflict between religion and homosexuality favor societal acceptance by 57% to 32%. And 80% of those who say there is no conflict between their religious beliefs and homosexuality support societal acceptance.

Fewer See Homosexual Behavior as a Sin

The public is divided over whether engaging in homosexual behavior is a sin: 45% say it is a sin while an identical percentage says it is not. In 2003, a majority (55%) viewed homosexual behavior as was sinful, while 33% disagreed.

Among several religious groups, there has been relatively little change in these opinions over the past decade. Fully 78% of white evangelical Protestants view homosexual behavior as a sin; 82% said this in 2003. About as many black Protestants view homosexuality as a sin today (79%) as did so ten years ago (74%).

However, opinions among Catholics have changed substantially. In 2003, more Catholics said homosexual behavior was a sin than said it was not (49% vs. 37%). Today, a third of Catholics (33%) say it is sin, while 53% disagree.

People who attend religious services weekly or more continue to view homosexual behavior as a sin by a wide margin (67% to 24%). Nearly six-in-ten (57%) of those who attend less often think such behavior is not a sin, while 34% say it is; 10 years ago, opinion was divided (44% sin, 45% not a sin).

Opinions about whether homosexuality is sinful – as well as views about the conflict between religious beliefs and homosexuality – are highly associated with attitudes toward gay marriage.

Nearly three-quarters (74%) of those who say engaging in homosexual behavior is a sin oppose same-sex marriage. An even larger percentage (84%) of those who say it is not sinful favor gay marriage.

The gap in opinions about gay marriage is nearly as wide between those who say there is a lot of conflict between homosexuality and their religious beliefs (67% oppose gay marriage) and those who see no conflict (71% favor gay marriage).

Similarly, those who say religion is very important in their lives are only half as likely to support gay marriage as those who place less importance on religion (36% favor vs. 72% favor).