Four years ago, a majority of Americans (53%) opposed gay marriage, while 38% favored it, based on combined surveys from 2007-2008. And in the previous presidential campaign (2003-2004), just 32% supported gay marriage while 59% were opposed.

Combining data from a number of surveys makes it possible to track changes in opinions among smaller groups in the population – including younger and older people across racial, ethnic, partisan and religious groups. The analysis finds continued age differences in support for gay marriage among blacks and Hispanics, as well as Republicans, Democrats and independents. But since 2003-2004, support for gay marriage has increased among most groups, among young and old alike.

Click here to view these detailed tables on gay marriage attitudes.

Last week was typical: In the Pew Research Center’s weekly News Interest Index, just 17% said they were following news about economic problems in Europe very closely. Just 3% cited this as their top story of the week. By comparison, 40% tracked U.S. economic news very closely and 20% said they followed it more closely than any other story.

A week earlier, nearly four times as many said the death of football player Junior Seau was their top story than cited Europe’s economic problems (11% vs. 3%).

In part, the public’s lack of interest Europe’s woes is part of a broader indifference to international news. Last year, there were a number of breakthrough foreign stories, from the earthquake and tsunami in Japan to the “Arab spring.” Not this year. Aside from the deadly crash of a cruise ship off the coast of Italy in January, no international story has come close to topping the weekly news interest index.

The public does not believe Europe’s financial crisis presents much of a threat to the U.S. economy. Last December, Pew Research asked about the seriousness of several possible threats to the U.S. economy. Fully 76% said the size of the national debt posed a major threat to U.S. economic well-being. Fewer than half (46%) said Europe’s economic problems represented a major threat. In terms of foreign threats, far more viewed economic competition from China as a major concern than the European crisis.

There were wide partisan differences over several possible economic threats, but not the Europe crisis. Only about half of Republicans and independents (49% each) said Europe’s economic problems represented a major threat to U.S. well-being, as did 43% of Democrats.

Read the full article in the New York Times.

That was then, when 60 percent of the American public opposed gay marriage, and only 29 percent supported it. At the time, the intensity was at the right: 35 percent of respondents were strongly opposed, while very few indeed (8 percent) strongly favored it. But since then, many Americans have changed their minds, and a whole new generation has come of age with a different point of view on this issue.

Read the full article in the New York Times.

A 2009 survey by Pew Social Demographic Trends found that blacks had far less confidence than whites in their local police in a number of areas, including their treatment of racial groups.

Just 14% of African Americans said they had a great deal of confidence in local police officers to treat blacks and whites equally. More than twice as many whites (38%) had a great deal of confidence in the local police to provide equal treatment. More than three times as many blacks as whites said they had very little confidence in their local police to treat the races equally (34% vs. 9%). Blacks’ confidence in local police to provide equal treatment was little changed from 2007 or 1995.

Yet that survey showed that African Americans had a positive overall assessment of the state of race relations. About three-quarters of African Americans (76%) said blacks and whites got along “very well” or “pretty well.” Majorities of both blacks (60%) and whites (70%) said that the values of the two groups had gotten more similar over the previous 10 years.

And in the wake of Barack Obama’s election as president, there was a sharp rise in perceptions of black progress. Nearly four-in-ten African Americans (39%) said that the “situation of black people in this country” was better than it had been five years earlier.  In 2007, just 20% said the condition of blacks had improved in the previous five years.

Blacks’ concerns over racial discrimination had not decreased, however. More than four-in-ten (43%) African Americans said that there is a lot of discrimination against blacks, compared with just 13% of whites. Whites were more likely to say that Hispanics than blacks faced a lot of discrimination (21% vs. 13%).

Fully 81% of African Americans said “our country needs to continue making changes to give blacks equal rights with whites.” Just 36% of whites agreed, while a majority (54%) said “our country has made the changes needed to give blacks equal rights with whites.”

News Coverage of Blacks

A 2010 study by the Pew Research Center found that African Americans were highly critical of news coverage of blacks. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) said that coverage of blacks was too negative. Just half as many (29%) said coverage was either fair (28%) or too positive (1%).

By contrast, nearly half (48%) of whites said that coverage of blacks was generally fair. Just 31% of whites thought that news coverage of blacks was too negative.

That survey also found that blacks were far more likely than whites to say that the news media devoted too little coverage to race relations. About half of African Americans (51%) said the subject of race relations received too little coverage, compared with just 24% of whites.

However, there were smaller differences between blacks and whites in views of the accuracy of news coverage of race relations. Pluralities of both whites (50%) and blacks (42%) said that coverage of race relations make them out to be worse than they actually are. Smaller percentages said coverage presented race relations as better than they really are (16% of whites, 23% of blacks) or about as they really are (23% of whites, 26% of blacks).

The Martin Case: News Interest and Coverage

The Pew Research Center’s most recent News Interest Index, conducted March 22-25 among 1,003 adults, found that Trayvon Martin’s death was the public’s top news story. African Americans were more than twice as likely as whites to say that this was their top story (52% vs. 20%).

On March 30, the Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism released a report showing the very different ways that cable TV news outlets and talk radio, blogs and Twitter have covered and analyzed the Trayvon Martin story. It found that Twitter interest in the Martin story did not surge until March 17, three weeks after the teenager’s death. (For more, see “How Blogs, Twitter and Mainstream Media Have Handled the Trayvon Martin Case.”)

In the Pew Research Center’s most recent national survey, conducted March 7-11, Obama led Mitt Romney by 20 points (58% to 38%) among women voters. It marked the second consecutive month that Obama held such a wide advantage over Romney among women (59% to 38% in February). In both February and March, Obama ran about even with Romney among men.

In the March survey, Obama’s overall lead over Rick Santorum was 18 points. Fully 61% of women voters said they would favor Obama in a matchup with Santorum, compared with just 35% who backed the former Pennsylvania senator.

The gender gap – the difference in support for a candidate among women and men – is about as wide today as it was at this point in the campaign four years ago. In March 2008, both Democratic candidates, Obama and Hillary Clinton, had narrower overall leads over John McCain than Obama has today. Obama ran about even with McCain among men, but he led by 14 points among women (53% to 39%). Clinton trailed among men, yet also led by 14 points among women.

In November 2008, Obama defeated McCain by eight points (53% to 45%). While Obama essentially broke even with McCain among men (49% Obama, 48% McCain), he held a commanding 56% to 43% over McCain among women.

The gender gap in 2008 – the seven-point difference between women and men in support for the Democratic candidate – was comparable to the gap in most elections since 1980. Even when Democratic candidates failed to garner a majority of the women’s vote – as in 1980, 1984 and 1988 – they still drew more support from women than from men.

The election of 1992 was unusual because of Ross Perot’s popular third-party campaign. Still, the gender gap was significant: Women backed Bill Clinton over George H.W. Bush, 45% to 37%, with 17% supporting Perot. Clinton had a narrower lead among men (41% Clinton, 38% Bush); 21% of men voted for Perot, according to exit polls conducted after the 1992 election.

Obama Holds Larger Lead among Younger Women

In the March survey, Obama led Romney by 31 points among women younger than 50 (64% to 33%), and had a sizable advantage among women 50 to 64 (58% to 36%). But Romney ran about even with Obama among women 65 and older (48% Obama, 49% Romney).

Among men, by contrast, there were no significant differences by age: Obama and Romney ran about even in all three age categories.

Obama led Romney among women in all three main income categories, including those with family incomes of $75,000 or more. Romney held a slight edge among men with incomes of $75,000 or more.

Notably, Romney’s lead among white men (55% to 40%) was on par with McCain’s lead among this group in 2008 (57% to 41%). White women were evenly divided in the March survey (48% Romney, 48% Obama). In 2008, McCain led Obama by seven points (53% to 46%) among white women.

Gap in Party ID

Just as women have been more likely to vote Democratic in presidential elections, a higher percentage also identifies with or leans toward the Democratic Party or lean Democratic.

In Pew Research Center polls this year, 52% of women identify with the Democratic Party or lean Democratic, compared with 43% of men. That is in line with the gender gap in party identification dating back to 1990. In 2008, 56% of women and 46% of men identified as Democrats or leaned Democratic.

Aside from a gender gap, there also is a marriage gap in party identification. In 2011, fully 62% of single women voters identified with or leaned toward the Democratic Party. Just 31% of single women voters identified with or leaned toward the GOP.

Among married women voters, nearly as many identified with the GOP, or leaned Republican (45%), as identified with or leaned toward the Democratic Party (48%). Among men voters, a marriage gap also was evident but it was much narrower.

Gender and Key Issues

There are several clusters of issues on which men and women divide, including views of government and its role. Yet gender differences do not follow a predictable pattern. On social issues, for instance, there is a wide gender gap in views of gay marriage, but not abortion.

For more than a decade, women have been more likely than men to favor an active role for government. And recent surveys show that higher percentages of women than men say that government should do more for the poor, children and the elderly.

In the October 2011 survey, nearly half of the public (48%) favored a smaller government that provides fewer services, while 41% preferred a bigger government with more services. While 45% of women preferred a bigger government with more services, fewer men agreed (36%). That was in line with the gender differences on this issue dating back to at least 2000.

The October survey also found higher percentages of women than men saying that the government does not do enough for older people (by 11 points), children (10 points) and the poor (nine points). By contrast, there were no differences in views of how much the government does for wealthy people. Nearly identical percentages (65% of women, 64% of men) said it does too much for the wealthy.

There also were significant gaps on two issues involving the role of government in a survey on public priorities for the president and Congress in 2012 – helping the poor and needy, and education. In a January survey, 72% of women cited education as a top priority, compared with 57% of men. Nearly six-in-ten (58%) women rated helping the poor and needy as a top priority, compared with 46% of men.

There is not a significant gender gap on the general question of whether government regulation of business is necessary, or usually does more harm than good. However, women are far more likely than men to say that government regulations should be strengthened in a number of areas.

In February, 61% of women, but only 45% of men, said regulations on food production and packaging should be strengthened. Women also were more likely to favor stronger regulations on workplace safety and health (by 13 points) and in environmental protection (by nine points). (For more, see “Auto Bailout Now Backed, Stimulus Divisive,” Feb. 23, 2012.)

Views of Social Issues

One of the recent political controversies in the social issues arena involved a proposed federal rule that would require employers, including most religiously affiliated institutions, to cover birth control as part of their health care benefits.

In February, the public was divided when asked if a waiver should be given to religiously-affiliated organizations that objected to the use of contraceptives or whether they should be required to provide coverage for birth control like other employers.  (See “Public Divided over Birth Control Insurance Mandate,” Feb. 14, 2012.)

The gender differences on this issue were relatively modest. Roughly half of women (48%) who heard about the issue said that religiously affiliated organizations that object to contraceptives should be required to cover them; 42% said they should be given an exemption from the rule. Men, by 54% to 40%, favored the exemption.

Notably, women younger than 50 were far less likely than older women to have heard about the issue. Among younger women who had heard about the issue, 53% said religious institutions should be required to cover contraceptives, while 40% said they should be given an exemption. Women 50 and older were evenly divided (45% required, 43% be given an exemption).

There are virtually no gender differences in opinions about abortion. Last November, about half of women (52%) and men (50%) said abortion should be legal in all or most cases; 42% of women and 44% of men said it should be illegal in all or most cases. These views have changed little in Pew Research Center surveys going back more than a decade.

However, there is a sizable difference in women’s and men’s attitudes toward gay marriage. In an October 2011 survey, 53% of women favored allowing gays and lesbians to marry legally, while 38% were opposed. More men opposed than supported same-sex marriage (51% to 40%).

The gender gap was evident among young and old alike: 60% of women younger than 50 favored gay marriage, compared with 45% of men. Among those 50 and older, 44% of women and 32% of men favored gay marriage.

Health Care: No Gap, Little Change

One issue on which there is virtually no gender gap is the 2010 health care law. In March, 47% of men and 46% of women approved of the health care legislation passed by Barack Obama and Congress in 201o.

There also is little difference in opinion about the health care law’s so-called individual mandate. Nearly six-in ten men (57%) and (54%) of women disapprove of the law’s requirement that all individuals be covered by health insurance or pay a penalty.

In April 2010, more men disapproved (47%) than approved (36%) of the bill. Women were more evenly divided (44% approved, 41% disapproved). (For more about polling on the health care law, see “Public Remains Split on Health Care Bill, Opposed to Mandate,” March 26, 2012.)

Environment and Energy

Somewhat more women (75%) than men (67%) say the country should do whatever it takes to protect the environment. Just 20% of women and 28% of men say the country has gone too far in environmental protection.

There are larger gender differences on some environmental policies – notably the idea of promoting increased use of nuclear power. In the March survey, 57% of men favored increasing the use of nuclear power, compared with just 31% of women. A larger majority of men (70%) than women (60%) also supported allowing more offshore oil and gas drilling as a way to address the nation’s energy

But on other energy policies – requiring better vehicle fuel efficiency, giving tax breaks for oil and gas exploration, increased federal funding for mass transit, or increased funding for alternative energy research – there were virtually no differences in the opinions of men and women.

In addition, men and women share similar views about global warming: In a survey last November, 65% of women and 60% of men said that there is solid evidence that the earth’s average temperature has been rising over the past few decades.

Foreign Policy and National Security

Women are somewhat less supportive of possible military action in Iran than are men. In February, 62% of men and 54% of women said it is more important to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons even if it means taking military action. Only about three-in-ten men (29%) and women (30%) said it was more important to avoid a military conflict, with Iran, if that means the country develops nuclear weapons.

When it comes to the U.S. military mission in Afghanistan, majorities of men (56%) and women (59%) favor removing the troops as soon as possible. That survey, conducted in early March before reports that a U.S. soldier allegedly murdered 17 Afghan civilians, also found that men and women have similar views about the way things are going in Afghanistan.

More generally, in a survey conducted in March 2011, a higher percentage of men than women said that the best way to ensure peace is through military strength (35% vs. 27%). About half of men (53%) and 62% of women said peace is best ensured through diplomacy.

A review of recent polling finds that basic assessments of the law are as divided as they were when the law was passed two years ago. In the latest Pew Research Center survey conducted March 7-11, 47% of Americans approved of the health care legislation passed by Barack Obama and Congress, while 45% disapproved.

This mirrors the balance of opinion in the weeks after the bill was passed. In April 2010, 40% approved and 44% disapproved of the law. Five other major surveys conducted over the past month find similar divisions of opinion, and with little change from two years ago.

The Individual Mandate

The primary element of the law that is before the court this week – the individual mandate – is deeply unpopular with the American public. The Kaiser Family Foundation has tracked views on the provision of the law that “will require nearly all Americans to have health insurance by 2014 or else pay a fine” for most of the past two years, and has consistently found large majorities viewing it unfavorably. In Kaiser’s most recent tracking survey in March, 66% had an unfavorable opinion of the provision, while just 32% viewed it favorably.

The latest Pew Research Center survey confirms this negative reaction, but suggests that opinion may be less firm than at first appearance. By a 56% to 41% margin, the public disapproved of requiring all Americans to have health insurance or face a penalty, even if those who can’t afford it receive financial help from the government.

Yet the poll also found that opinion about the mandate may be somewhat fluid. The survey question mentioned both the financial penalty to be assessed for those who do not purchase insurance, as well as the financial assistance the government will provide to those who cannot afford a policy. Levels of approval of the provision were highly sensitive to which aspect of the law was mentioned last.

Among those for whom the question ended with the reference to financial help, opinion on the mandate was evenly divided (47% approve, 49% disapprove). But among those who heard about the penalty last, more disapproved than approved (63% vs. 34%).

Mixed Views on Legislative Repeal, Court Rejection

While the division of opinion over the Affordable Health Care Act is fairly consistent across major polling organizations, the level of support for repealing the bill varies widely depending on how survey questions are asked. Across seven major surveys conducted within the past five months, two found majorities favoring at least a partial repeal, three others found minorities backing repeal, and two others found a roughly even division of opinion.

The effect of question wording is particularly evident in a comparison of recent polls by Fox News and the Kaiser Family Foundation, both conducted within the past month.

The Fox News survey found 59% in favor of some kind of repeal, either repealing the law entirely (31%) or repealing parts of the law (28%). Yet the Kaiser survey found just 41% in favor of repeal; 23% said they favored repealing the bill and not replacing it, while 18% favored repealing it and replacing it with a Republican-sponsored alternative. Unlike the Fox News poll, the Kaiser survey asked respondents about what may replace the law if it is actually repealed.

Even the number of Americans who support making no changes to the Affordable Care act can vary substantially depending on the question. The Pew Research Center’s March survey found little support for the status quo: Just 20% favored leaving the health care law as it is, with most supporting either repealing (38%) or expanding (33%) the law.

Yet another survey conducted at the same time found more than half favoring the status quo when phrased differently. The March Bloomberg News poll found 46% saying it may need small modifications, but we should see how it works, and another 11% saying the law should be left alone. In this question, 37% favored repealing the law.

Some of the public’s ambivalence about the Affordable Care Act reflects the lack of clarity about what the alternative to it might be. As the Kaiser Family Foundation surveys have found, relatively few support eliminating the law and having nothing to replace it. But the survey also finds that a Republican alternative also garners little support.

This may reflect the fact that while the health reform bill meets with a mixed reaction, the Democratic Party holds a significant advantage over the GOP as the party better able to deal with health care. The latest Pew Research Center survey found 49% saying the Democratic Party can do a better job dealing with health care, while just 35% favored the Republican Party.

Similarly, recent surveys show sharply different results over what Americans want the Supreme Court to decide this year. A recent Fox News survey found the public divided evenly over whether the Court should invalidate the health care law as unconstitutional, or whether it should uphold the law as constitutional (46% vs. 43%).

A February Quinnipiac survey found slightly more favored overturning the law (50%) than upholding it (39%). But a Washington Post/ABC News survey found two thirds (67%) in support of the Court invalidating all or part of the health care law – 42% said the entire law should be thrown out, while 25% said just the individual mandate should be thrown out. Only about a quarter (26%) said the entire law should be upheld.

But while Americans are hearing more about class conflict, there is no sense that the American people are on the verge of class conflict; they just want a better chance of achieving success themselves. They want government policies that give everyone a fair shot, reflecting bedrock American belief in the individual’s ability to succeed through hard work.

A recent Gallup poll found 70% saying that it is extremely or very important that the federal government in Washington enact policies that increase the equality of opportunity for people to get ahead. By comparison, just 46% say it is extremely or very important for the government to reduce the income and wealth gap between the rich and poor; 54% say this is somewhat important or not important. Income inequality is an element of the economic system that is accepted by many Americans: 52% say the fact that some people in the U.S. are rich and others are poor is an acceptable part of our economic system.

A sense of economic inequality is hardly new. A broad majority public (77%) says that there is too much power in the hands of a few rich people and large corporations; and as far back as 1941, Gallup polling found a majority (60%) expressing this view. In addition, the public agrees with the statement that in general the rich just get richer while the poor get poorer –majorities have consistently said this since Pew Research first asked the question in 1987.

At root, these concerns are associated with the issue of economic fairness. About six-in-ten (61%) say the economic system in this country unfairly favors the wealthy. Far fewer say that the economic system is generally fair to most Americans (36%). Concerns over economic fairness can also be seen in the public’s negative reactions to government policies such as the bank bailout. A Pew Research Center survey in February  found that 39% say that the 2008 loans to banks and financial institutions were the right thing to do; 52% say they were the wrong thing.

The public’s desire for fairness in government policy is perhaps best seen in views of the tax system. A majority of Americans now say the federal tax system is unfair and there has been a seven-point rise in this view since 2003.The public’s top complaint about taxes is not how much they themselves pay; rather, it is the belief that some wealthy people don’t pay their fair share. Nearly six-in-ten (57%) say what bothers them most about taxes is the feeling that some wealthy don’t pay their fair share, just 11% say it is the amount they themselves pay. The public supports overhauling the federal tax system and this support stems primarily from concerns over the fairness of the system.

A desire for a level economic playing field is tied to American individualism. Belief in the individual’s ability to achieve success through hard work is a bedrock American value. And there is a strong belief that the individual has the power to shape their own future.

Three-quarters (75%) agree with the statement that everyone has it in their own power to succeed; just 19% say success is determined by outside forces. This view has been held by wide majorities ever since the question was first asked in 1994.

A majority of the public (58%) also agrees with the statement that most people who want to get ahead can make it if they’re willing to work hard. However, public views of opportunity are not immune to hard economic times – agreement with this statement has slipped somewhat in recent years.

But there is no less admiration for people who get rich by working hard: 90% agree with this sentiment, just 8% disagree. This near-unanimous opinion highlights that the public’s fundamental complaint is not with the rich themselves.

Pew Global Attitudes surveys have consistently found that Americans’ views of the individual and role of the state set them apart from the publics of many Western European nations. Nearly six-in-ten Americans (58%) say it is more important that everyone be free to pursue their life’s goals without interference from the state; far fewer (35%) say it is more important that the state play an active role in society so as to guarantee that nobody is in need. The balance of opinion is reversed among Western European countries. In Spain, for example, 67% say the state guaranteeing that no one is in need is more important, just 30% say individual freedom to pursue goals should be prioritized.

Similarly, asked if they agree that “success in life is pretty much determined by forces outside our control,” most Americans disagree. Opinion is much more mixed among Western European nations. For example, 57% of the French and 72% of Germans say that success in life is determined by outside forces.

Americans’ more skeptical view of a strong social safety net has consequences. About a third of Americans (32%) say there have been times in the past year when they have been unable to afford health care, which is consistent with Pew Research Center surveys over the past decade. That is far higher than the percentages in four Western European countries who say this. People in the United States also are more likely to say they have been unable to afford food in the past year.

In the latest survey by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, conducted Feb. 8-12 among 1,501 adults, 60% said that colleges have a positive effect on the way things are going in the country; just 26% said they have a negative effect. Of a list of 12 institutions and industries, only small businesses (75% positive effect) and technology companies (70%) were viewed more positively.

However, just 46% of conservative Republicans said colleges and universities have a positive impact, while nearly as many (39%) said they have a negative effect. By wide margins, Democrats (67% to 20%) and independents (61% to 26%) said colleges and universities have a positive impact.

There were substantial differences among Republicans and Republican-leaning independents in opinions about the effects of colleges and universities: Just 38% of those who agree with the Tea Party viewed their impact positively; that compared with 62% of Republicans and leaners who do not agree with the Tea Party.

Nonetheless, conservative Republicans who have graduated from college are as likely as those in other political groups to have a positive view of the personal impact of a college education. In a survey conducted in March 2011 by Pew Social & Demographic Trends, 85% of conservative Republicans said that college had been a good investment for them personally. That was little different from the percentages of independent (85%) and Democratic (81%) college graduates who viewed college as a good investment.

That survey found relatively modest partisan and ideological differences in opinions about whether a college education is important for young people to succeed, the affordability of college, and whether the higher education system provides a good value for students and their families.  (For more from this survey, see “Is College Worth It?”May 15, 2011.)

Moreover, virtually all parents across the political and ideological spectrum said they expected their own children to go to college: 99% of Republicans said this, as did 96% of Democrats and 93% of independents.

But conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats differed about the main purpose of college: 52% of conservative Republicans said the main purpose of college should be to teach specific skills and knowledge that can be used in the workplace, while 36% said its purpose should be to help an individual grow personally and intellectually.

Liberal Democrats were more likely than conservative Republicans to say college should mainly help people grow personally and intellectually (47%). About four-in-ten liberals (37%) said college’s main purpose should be workplace training. On this issue, the views of conservative and moderate Democrats were closer to those of conservative Republicans than to liberal Democrats (54% training vs. 33% personal growth).

Partisan Differences in Views of Institutions

The survey released last month found substantial partisan differences in views of the effects of several institutions, aside from colleges and universities.

Just 19% of Republicans said labor unions have a positive effect on the way things are going in the country; more than twice as many Democrats (47%) and independents (42%) viewed unions’ impact positively.

The differences were about as large in positive opinions about the impact of the entertainment industry and the federal government (25 points each).

Among the 12 institutions and industries included in the survey, there was only one – churches and religious organizations – that Republicans rated more positively than did Democrats. About two-thirds of Republicans (68%) said churches have a positive effect on the way things are going in the country, compared with 55% of Democrats. Republicans expressed more positive views about the impact of churches than colleges (68% vs. 51%), while Democrats were more positive about the effects of colleges (67% vs. 55%).

Among Republicans and Republican leaners who agree with the Tea Party, fully 78% said churches have a positive effect on the way things are going in the country, about double the percentage saying that colleges and universities have a positive impact (38%). Among liberal Democrats and Democratic leaners, the gap was about as wide in the other direction: 74% said colleges have a positive impact compared with 38% who viewed the effect of churches and religious institutions positively.

That represented a change from earlier in the 2000s and the 1990s, when more Americans supported churches and other houses of worship speaking out on political matters. However, opinions in 201o were nearly identical to those in a 1968 Gallup survey, when 53% said churches should keep out of political matters.

While support for churches’ involvement in politics has fluctuated, there has been consistent agreement over the years that houses of worship should not directly endorse political candidates. In 2010, 70% said churches and other houses of worship should not come out in favor of one candidate over another; just 24% say they should. These opinions have changed little over the past decade.

The public has been divided over the amount of expressions of religious faith by politicians: in 2010, 37% said there had been too little expression of religious faith by political leaders while 29% said there had been too much, and 24% said political leaders expressed religious faith the right amount. These opinions also had shown relatively little change from previous Pew Research Center religion and politics surveys.

More Oppose Churches Expressing Political Views

From 2004 to 2008, there was a sharp increase in the percentage of Americans saying that churches and other houses of worship should keep out of political matters. Notably, much of this change came among conservatives. (See “More Americans Question Religion’s Role in Politics,” Aug. 21, 2008.)

In 2004, just 30% of conservative Republicans said houses of worship should keep out of political matters. But in 2008, 48% of conservative Republicans expressed this view; that percentage fell to 40% in 2010.

Democrats’ opinions about the role of churches in politics changed less during this period. In 2010, 56% said they should keep out of political matters, which was comparable to opinions in 2008 (52%) and 2004 (51%).

White evangelical Protestants are more supportive of an active political role for churches and other houses of worship than are members of most other religious groups. In 2010, 39% of white evangelicals said churches should stay out of political matters; that compared with 60% of white mainline Protestants and 56% of white Catholics. Still, the percentage of white evangelicals saying houses of worship should stay out of political matters increased from 28% in 2004 to 39% in 2010.

Church Endorsements, Politicians’ Expressions of Faith

The public has consistently opposed churches making political endorsements: In 2010, 70% said that during elections churches and other houses of worship should not come out in favor of one candidate over another. Just 24% said houses of worship should endorse candidates. These opinions are little changed since 2004.

The percentage of Republicans supporting endorsements by churches has declined – from 39% in 2004 to 28% in 2010. Opinions among Democrats and independents have shown less change. In 2010, 21% of Democrats and 24% of independents favored churches endorsing candidates.

In 2010, more Americans said political leaders express religious faith too little (37%) rather than too much (29%); 24% said there had been the right amount of expression of religious faith by political leaders.

Republicans have long been more likely than Democrats to say there is too little expression of religious faith by political leaders. But both parties are divided over this issue.

Fully 60% of conservative Republicans said there was too little expression of religious faith by political leaders; just 25% of moderate and liberal Republicans agree. Among Democrats, 47% of liberals said politicians mentioned religious faith too much, compared with just 26% of the party’s conservatives and moderates.

Among religious groups, a majority of white evangelical Protestants (56%) – and about the same percentage of black Protestants (51%) – said there was too little expression of religious faith by political leaders. Other religious groups are more divided. Among the religiously unaffiliated, 53% said there has been too much expression of faith by political leaders.

Parties’ Friendliness to Religion

Since 2003, the GOP has consistently been viewed as more friendly to religion than the Democratic Party. In November 2011, 43% of Americans said the Republican Party was friendly to religion, while 30% said the Democratic Party was friendly to religion.

But the percentages saying each party is friendly to religion have declined in recent years. Last November, 43% said the Republican Party was friendly to religion, 26% said the GOP was neutral toward religion, while 19% said it was unfriendly. From 2003-2008, about 50% viewed the GOP as friendly to religion.

Opinions about whether the Democratic Party is friendly to religion have fluctuated in recent years. In the 2010 survey, 30% said the Democratic Party was friendly to religion. A plurality (40%) said the Democratic Party was neutral to religion, and 20% viewed it as unfriendly Fewer said the party was friendly to religion than did so in 2008 (38%) or 2003 (42%). (For more, see “Romney’s Mormon Faith Likely a Factor in Primaries, Not in a General Election,” Nov. 23, 2011.)